martedì 9 ottobre 2007

Le ramadan a Naplouse

Nadia Ben Dhifallah. Cette annee c'est sans doute la 1ere fois que mon ramadan est plein de sens et sans doute ai-je enfin saisi le vrai sens de ce mois. Comprendre l'autre et ressentir non seulement sa faim, mais sa condition de tous les jours et pas seulement d'un mois.
Notre centre, 2 fois par semaine, offre un repas aux plus demunis, 1 fois dans les locaux du centre et 1 fois dans un camp de refugies different.
Ce n'est pas une distribution de nourriture mais plutot un moment de partage et d'amitie.
Ces jours-la, nos amis et les jeunes volontaires du centre, viennent tot, nous aident a installer les tables, a mettre les couverts, a couper la salade, le pain...Tout le monde arrive avant l'heure du ftour pour rompre le jeune ensemble.
Nous nous retrouvons alors autour d'une meme table, jeunes volontaires, etudiants loin de chez eux, associations, personnes agees, enfants, femmes...sans distinction aucune, comme une grande famille qui partage un repas ensemble.
Apres le repas, souvent les etudiants aveugles du logement pour etudiants que nous avons ouvert en debut d'annee se mettent a reciter et improviser des poemes. Tout le monde alors les entourent et leur demande de faire un poeme sur untel ou unetelle.
Ensuite tout le monde aide a ranger les tables, a nettoyer les salles et nous nous donnons RDV la semaine suivante.
Et moi je rentre chez moi, heureuse d'avoir partage ce moment avec tout le monde et en pensant a ceux qui auront sans doute faim car ils n'auront pas assez mange ou qui auront mange seuls. Je pense a ces jeunes en prison, en particulier a mon pote M'Hamed, qui cette annee, est absent de la table familiale, et je me demande comment il va, est-ce qu'il mange en prison, comment on le traite...

Je me rends a Balata cet apres midi pour une reunion avec une association et j'assiste a une distribution de nourriture. Cette association, chaque annee, avec 2 autres associations, distribue des plats chauds pour les familles necessiteuses du camp. J'ai alors assiste a un defile de personnes de tout age, munis de leur casserole pour recevoir le repas qui leur permettront de rompre leur jeune.
La solidarite, le partage, l'amitie, mais aussi la tristesse face a la situation ici, c'est ca mon ramadan cette annee.

Nadia

ASSAWRA, liste de diffusion dédiée à l'Intifada ...

Visitez Al-Oufok : http://www.aloufok.net

Israele e i visti d'ingresso al personale ecclesiastico di etnia araba

David M. Jaeger, Terrasanta, 08.10.07. Nei giorni scorsi alcune agenzie di informazione hanno riferito di nuovi intralci posti dalle autorità israeliane agli spostamenti del personale religioso di etnia araba in Terra Santa. Ultimamente, infatti, preti e suore che si trovano a dover varcare la frontiera dello Stato ebraico in uscita rischiano di non potervi far ritorno senza prima aver richiesto un nuovo visto di ingresso presso un consolato israeliano. L'esito della richiesta rimane incerto e la procedura impone comunque mesi di esasperante attesa per il disbrigo delle pratiche. Fin qui i responsabili ecclesiastici hanno preferito evitare proteste pubbliche, cercando invece di ottenere un mutamento di linea tramite negoziati discreti con le autorità civili competenti. Sulla questione vi proponiamo un commento di padre David M. Jaeger, giurista francescano appartenente alla Custodia di Terra Santa.

Ancora una volta, e per l'ennesima volta, giungono notizie dalla Terra Santa su un'altra «ondata» di rifiuti di visti di ingresso e permessi di soggiorno al personale ecclesiastico e religioso - preti, frati e suore - assolutamente necessario per la vita della Chiesa, dei suoi santuari, delle sue parrocchie, scuole e altre opere religiose e sociali. Come le altre volte, la situazione degenera ulteriormente da un giorno all'altro.

Eppure... eppure nel suo Accordo fondamentale con la Santa Sede, firmato il 30 dicembre 1993, entrato in vigore il 10 marzo 1994, lo Stato di Israele ha riconosciuto esplicitamente, all'articolo 3 paragrafo 2, il «diritto della Chiesa Cattolica a formare, nominare, e dispiegare (nell'originale inglese: deploy) il proprio personale» nelle sue istituzioni e per l'espletamento delle sue funzioni (!).

Una dimensione fondamentale della ripetuta crisi è infatti questa: che non esiste tale normativa, non esiste nessuna normativa, nessuna procedura stabile e riconoscibile, eccetto quanto possa forse esistere nei cassetti chiusi o nelle menti impenetrabili di certi funzionari, e che comunque si dimostra sempre di nuovo altamente mutevole. L'Accordo fondamentale invece, confrontando il già citato articolo 3 paragrafo 2 con l'articolo 12, prevederebbe una normativa concordata, pattizia, che rispetti integralmente sia il diritto della Chiesa che le legittime esigenze dello Stato. Come è stato reso noto più volte da organi di stampa, già nel lontano 1994 le Parti si sono accordate di negoziare precisamente su questi argomenti. Il tempo per farlo è sicuramente venuto.

Black Days in the Absence of Justice: Report on Bloody Fighting in the Gaza Strip from 7 to 14 June 2007

PCHR has published a special report titled “Black Days in the Absence of Justice: Report on Bloody Fighting in the Gaza Strip from 7 to 14 June 2007.” The report details results of investigations conducted by PCHR into the bloody fighting between Hamas and Fatah movements, represented by their armed wings and security services, which ended with Hamas’ takeover of all headquarters and sites of security services, and consequently, the whole Gaza Strip.

This latest round of fighting took the lives of 161 Palestinians, including 41 civilians. This figure includes 7 children and 11 women. Additionally, at least 700 Palestinians were wounded.

According to PCHR’s documentation, the two parties of the conflict perpetrated grave breaches of the provisions of international law concerning internal armed conflicts, especially common article 3 of the Geneva Conventions of 1949. The fighting included: extra-judicial and willful killings of combatants who laid down their arms; killing a number of wounded persons inside hospitals; abduction and torture; using houses and apartment buildings in the fighting, endangering the lives of civilians; obstruction of access of medical and civil defense crews to areas of clashes.

The latest round of fighting was an extension of other rounds of fighting between Fatah and Hamas movements over 15 months (from April 2006 to June 2007), in which divided security services were also involved. Violence and fighting has been an outcome of the conflict over security and political authorities between the presidency and premiership in the Palestinian National Authority following the parliamentary elections that were held in January 2006, in which Hamas won the majority of seats of the Palestinian Legislative Council (74 seats for Hamas and 45 ones of Fatah out of a total of 132 seats). Although the elections were an important turn point towards democratic reform since they were transparent and fair, the subsequent developments constituted a setback of the process as this democratic experience was combated and besieged to be buried. The the Hamas-led government that was formed in March 2006 was boycotted by the United States, the European Union, Canada, Jaban and others. All money transfers from Arab and Islamic countries through banks were also blocked. Subsequently, the economic conditions deteriorated to an unprecedented level, the government was not able to pay salaries to its employees and the services provided to the Palestinian population sharply decreased.

To download the report, in PDF format please click here. (PDF)

IDF orders the expropriation of Arab land near East Jerusalem.

Akiva Eldar, Haaretz, 09.10.07. The Israel Defense Forces recently issued an order expropriating over 1,100 dunams of land from four Arab villages located between East Jerusalem and the West Bank settlement of Ma'aleh Adumim.
T
he plan also noted that the proposed housing development in E-1 would create an uninterrupted urban expanse between Jerusalem and Ma'aleh Adumim. Such an expanse [a Jewish development consisting of 3,500 apartments and an industrial park] would effectively sever the territorial contiguity between the northern and southern West Bank.

Tom Segev, Haaretz, 09.10.07. Israeli rule in East Jerusalem is visible mainly in a wave of construction for Jews, not in the granting of equal rights to the Arab inhabitants, not in providing equal services to the two parts of the city. Former mayor Ehud Olmert initiated the physical division of the city using a giant concrete wall that leaves some 50,000 Arabs on the other side.

Egypt and Israel sign deal easing access to U.S. market

Reuters, 09.10.07. Egypt and Israel signed an agreement on Tuesday making it easier for Egyptian-based companies to win exemption from duties and quotas when exporting goods to the United States. Egyptian and Israeli ministers agreed to cut to 10.5 percent from 11.7 percent the minimum proportion of Israeli components in goods which are eligible for the exemptions, Egyptian Trade and Industry Minister Rachid Mohamed Rachid told a news conference.

They also agreed to ask U.S. Trade Representative Susan Schwab to extend the special market access arrangements to companies based in eight provinces south of Cairo, he added.

Unlike the reduction in the Israeli input, the geographical extension of the arrangements to new areas requires negotiations with the U.S. side, he added.

Egypt enjoys the exemptions under a Qualified Industrial Zones (QIZ) agreement signed with Israel and the United States in 2004. The aim was to promote economic cooperation between Israel and Egypt and help Israeli companies export.

Since the agreement came into effect in February 2005, 203 Egyptian-based companies have exported to the United States eligible goods worth $1.28 billion, the Egyptian Ministry of Trade and Industry said.

Rachid, who signed the agreement with visiting Industry and Trade Minister Eli Yishai, said the reduction was a good first step. "It will not be the last reduction," he added.



Cordoglio per cristiano ucciso a Gaza. Non si strumentalizzi ancora una volta la tragedia

L'assassinio  di Rami Khader Ayyad nella Striscia di Gaza , che molte volte ho incontrato proprio a Gaza, lascia costernati ed è un fatto gravissimo: esprimo tutto il mio cordoglio alla famiglia e alla comunità cristiana.

Le responsabilità dell'omicidio devono venire alla luce e i colpevoli puniti, così come già dichiarato dalle autorità di Hamas che controllano la Striscia e dal Presidente Mahmoud Abbas.

Da parte sua la Comunità Internazionale e soprattutto i media devono fare tutto quanto in loro potere per evitare di strumentalizzare questa tragedia, incentivando tesi pericolosissime che rintracciano nello scontro tra religioni episodi isolati e da condannare ma ad opera solo di schegge impazzite di una società allo stremo, quale quella di Gaza.

Lo ha ribadito anche monsignor Fouad Twal, arcivescovo coadiutore del Patriarcato latino di Gerusalemme, che ha escluso ci possa essere una persecuzione dei cristiani a Gaza, e anche il custode di Terra Santa del Vaticano padre Pierbattista Pizzaballa.

Fino ad ora i cristiani che hanno lasciato la Palestina lo hanno fatto per l'impossibilità di vivere dietro un muro, bloccati dai check point, e senza nessuna prospettiva economica. Ma il pericolo di una spirale di violenza è sempre presente.

Soltanto lavorando per la fine dell'occupazione militare, per la giustizia, il dialogo e la convivenza in Medio Oriente si potranno evitare simili episodi di intolleranza e barbarie, e soprattutto non lasciando a gruppi fanatici la possibilità di manipolare la disperazione di un popolo in lotta per uno Stato Palestinese indipendente e sovrano, in sicurezza e affianco a quello di Israele, dove la libertà di religione ed espressione siano alla base di una vera democrazia e convivenza civile.

Per info Luisa Morgantini 0039 348 39 21 465 o Francesca Cutarelli 0039 340 56 49 335

Luisa.morgantini@europarl.europa.eu www.luisamorgantini.net

lunedì 8 ottobre 2007

Le catacombe contemporanee dei cristiani palestinesi

Francesca Paci, la Stampa, 08.10.07. L'assassinio di Rami Khader Ayyad, il libraio cristiano responsabile della libreria della Società Biblica Palestinese di Gaza, accende i riflettori su una situazione che i cristiani palestinesi, per paura, si affannano a definire "tranquilla". Il problema non è solo Gaza. A Betlemme le ragazze cristiane vengono considerate "facili" e approcciate volgarmente. A Taybeh, vicino Ramallah, i cristiani non vendono la terra ai musulmani e si fregiano d'essere l'ultimo villaggio palestinese cristiano al cento per cento. A Nablus Ibrahim preferisce tenere a casa la catenina con il crocifisso e la data di battesimo. A Gaza poi, dopo la vittoria di Hamas, le pochissime chiese si sono svuotate e i cristiani si raccomandano di non essere citati nei reportage giornalistici. Eppure, alla richiesta esplicita, tutti negano. "Siamo fratelli, palestinesi, stesso popolo", ripetono. La verità emerge dai gesti, uno scatto nervoso se il giornalista chiede il nome, l'atteggiamento furtivo, la clandestinità religiosa in un contesto dove la religione è identità da esibire. Come in una catacomba contemporanea. Adesso i leader di Hamas a Gaza si affrettano a condannare l'assassinio del libraio di Gaza, ma l'aria è pesantissima e lo sanno. Un'aria da prima della pioggia.

AT-TUWANI REFLECTION: Water

Demonstration of how to build a dew catcher.

Eileen Hanson, Christian Peacemaker Teams, 07.10.07. Life on the edge of the Negev desert has never been easy. Water has always been scarce. But people have been living here for thousands of years and have developed ways of living to meet the challenges of the environment. But things have changed in recent years. Twenty years ago the settlement of Ma'on was established on land belonging to families living in Tuwani. Many of the cisterns traditionally used by families from Tuwani and neighboring villages have been taken over by settlers. Palestinians are either physically unable to access them, or fear violence if they approach what was once their family's land and cistern. The settlement of Ma'on with its green manicured lawns, irrigated fields and orchards, draws water from the underground aquifer that supplies this entire area. The Tuwani village well is low because the aquifer is getting lower and lower by the year. Ma'on settler use of water is completely out of tune with the environment here. Worst of all, it is destroying the possibilities for others to sustain even the simplest life here. Settlers refuse to admit that they are living on the edge of the desert and adapt accordingly. Water trucks are a very visible target. Other villages have had roads blocked, or trucks attacked and been unable to get water to the village. A difficult situation becomes even more complex when having to consider that your neighbors might ambush your family's water supply.

Living on the edge of the Negev desert, water is a major concern here. Normally the winter rains fill cisterns in the area, which supply water through the dry summer months. People use cistern water for watering their flocks as well as for household cleaning and bathing. The well is the village source for drinking water. All the cisterns are empty now, and the well is very low.

Many families have already brought in a truck of water to fill their cistern. However many others probably cannot afford to do this. The men of Tuwani and a number of surrounding villages met this morning to discuss the situation.

Life in this area has never been easy. Water has always been scarce. But people have been living here for thousands of years and have developed ways of living to meet the challenges of the environment.

But things have changed in recent years. Twenty years ago the settlement of Ma'on was established on land belonging to families living in Tuwani. Many of the cisterns traditionally used by families from Tuwani and neighboring villages have been taken over by settlers. Palestinians are either physically unable to access them, or fear violence if they approach what was once their family's land and cistern.

The settlement of Ma'on with its green manicured lawns, irrigated fields and orchards, draws water from the underground aquifer that supplies this entire area. The Tuwani village well is low because the aquifer is getting lower and lower by the year.

This is not an uncommon story. Throughout the West Bank, settlements are taking the lion's share of water, leaving Palestinians with scarce resources. Some estimates of settler water usage are as high as 8 or 9 to 1 compared with Palestinians water use. Many other villages in the Hebron district are also experiencing serious water shortages. It is clear just by looking as the contrasting lifestyles of Tuwani and the settlers at Ma'on that settler use of water is completely out of tune with the environment here. Worst of all, it is destroying the possibilities for others to sustain even the simplest life here.

People in Tuwani do not want water to fill up swimming pools. They simply want enough water for their flocks and their families to have enough to drink and bathe. Local Palestinians continue to live a life close to the land and respectful of the resources. It is the settlers who refuse to admit that they are living on the edge of the desert and adapt accordingly.

The lack of water is also a real concern here in part because it presents yet another vulnerability of Palestinians to the occupying powers, the Israeli military and the Israeli settlers. Perhaps Palestinian villagers can band together and buy water to provide enough until the rains come in November or December. But water trucks are a very visible target. Other villages have had roads blocked, or trucks attacked and been unable to get water to the village. A difficult situation becomes even more complex when having to consider that your neighbors might ambush your family's water supply.

Christian Peacemaker Teams is an ecumenical initiative to support violence reduction efforts around the world. To learn more about CPT's peacemaking work, visit our website www.cpt.org Photos of our projects are at www.cpt.org/gallery A map of the center of Hebron is at http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/fullMaps_Sa.nsf/0/5618737E38C0B3DE8525708C004BA584/$File/ocha_OTS_hebron_oPt010805.pdf?OpenElement The same map is the last page of this report on closures in Hebron: www.humanitarianinfo.org/opt/docs/UN/OCHA/ochaHU0705_En.pdf


bilin palestine One kid 11 years old was aressted

domenica 7 ottobre 2007

Rice's rabbit hole

Caroline Glick, THE JERUSALEM POST, 05/10/07. US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice is moving boldly down the rabbit hole. Next week, Rice is due back in the Middle East for meetings in Jerusalem and Ramallah. The purpose of her upcoming visit, like her previous ones, will be to pressure the Olmert government and the Fatah terror organization to reach "substantive agreements" that she'll be able to present to the world at her peace summit in Maryland next month.

Given that since the failed Camp David summit in 2000 the Palestinians have yet to make one substantive concession to Israel, it is clear that the only way the upcoming conference can succeed in advancing peace is if the Palestinians make some dramatic concession to Israel.

The only reason that Abbas remains in power in Judea and Samaria is because the IDF is maintaining security there.

Rice forced Israel to agree to have US Lt.-Gen. Keith Dayton train and arm Fatah forces in Gaza. That disastrous plan led to the indirect US arming of Hamas when Fatah forces surrendered their weapons to Hamas without a fight in June.

An Israeli surrender of Judea, Samaria and parts of Jerusalem will divest Israel of the ability to defend itself.


Gaza kids don't play


Children in Gaza don't play hide 'n seek Photo: AFP
Roy Peled, ynetnews, 03/10/07. According to army, children killed by IDF are part of Palestinian war machine. When Palestinian children are killed in what the IDF refers to as "Qassam-launching sites," the explanation is that "the Palestinians are well aware that those are areas they must not enter." Yet "forbidden areas" have been arbitrarily defined by Israel and attributed to dozens of square kilometers in the Gaza Strip. Contrary to common perception, many Palestinians have no idea where these border lines are. Children who walk around the sand dunes in the afternoon certainly have no idea. And an update: As this article was being published, the IDF investigation showed that the three Palestinian kids who were killed were playing catch. Imagine that. Palestinians? Catch? Children? The surprises just never end.

"Palestinian children are not made up of the same fabric as Israeli children, who at times walk around for fun and at times look for dangerous adventures, mostly due to boredom. When a Palestinian child is killed by the IDF, he certainly did something very wrong.The Palestinians make cynical use of children" – according to the IDF, the children killed in Gaza this past week arrived at the scene for one of two reasons: Either they were part of a particularly young terror cell, or they were sent there by terror groups as human shields.

And an update: As this article was being published, the IDF investigation showed that the three Palestinian kids who were killed were playing catch. Imagine that. Palestinians? Catch? Children? The surprises just never end.

The writer is a member of the Meretz directorate

Internal unrest in Gaza continues as a Christian stabbed to death

Rami Almeghari, IMEMC & Agencies, 07/10/07. A Christian Palestinian has been found stabbed to death on Sunday morning in central Gaza city; one day after he was announced disappeared. Rami Ayyad, 32, and owner of the ‘Bible book’ store in Gaza, has been reportedly received threats by unidentified bodies before, while his shop has been exposed to more than one attack during factional infighting in Gaza between Hamas and Fatah.

Relations between Muslim Palestinians and approximately 3,200 Christians, mainly Greek Orthodox, have ever been described stable and good, even after the Islamist Hamas movement has taken over the coastal region in mid June.

Ehab Alghosain, spokesman of the Hamas-dominated government’s interior ministry, described the murder as a ‘crime’ and said his ministry has launched an investigation.

In the meantime, the Hamas-led police forces in Gaza arrested on Sunday three Palestinians, after they have been spotted, while planting explosive devices on the sea road in Khan Younis city, police sources claimed.

In the northern Gaza Strip town of Jabalya, the police said three other people have been caught, while planting a booby-trapped bomb in the town.

On a related note, the interior ministry warned of cracking down strongly on those proved to be involved in stealing locals’ cars, after a series of reports has recently revealed car burglary in Gaza.

Parallel lives

Dalia Karpel, Haaretz Magazine excerpts, 06/10/07. Some junior commanders encouraged the brutality and even endorsed it. "After two months in Rafah a [new] commanding officer arrived ... So we do a first patrol with him. It's 6 A.M., Rafah is under curfew, there isn't so much as a dog in the streets. Only a little boy of four playing in the sand. He is building a castle in his yard. He [the officer] suddenly starts running and we all run with him. He was from the combat engineers. We all run with him. He grabbed the boy. Nufar, I am a degenerate if I am not telling you the truth. He broke his hand here at the wrist. Broke his hand at the wrist, broke his leg here. And started to stomp on his stomach, three times, and left. We are all there, jaws dropping, looking at him in shock ... The next day I go out with him on another patrol, and the soldiers are already starting to do the same thing."

There were some tough soldiers who developed an ideology holding that even minor events necessitated a brutal response. "A 3-year-old kid, he can't throw, he can't hurt you no matter what he does, but a kid of 19 can. With women I have no problem. With women, one threw a clog at me and I kicked her here [pointing to the crotch], I broke everything there. She can't have children. Next time she won't throw clogs at me. When one of them [a woman] spat at me I gave her the rifle butt in the face. She doesn't have what to spit with anymore."

An incident that fomented a crisis began when a squad commander from the hard-hearted group maltreated three bound teenagers. A soldier of conscience summoned another squad commander who was a paramedic. He told Yishai-Karin that by the time help arrived the three Palestinian boys were already "completely covered with blood, their clothes were saturated with blood and they were shaking with fear. Their hands were tied and they were afraid to move, they were on their knees."

"Ash'har Company, which was drafted before us, was a deviant, extreme unit at the human level. The absence of supervision from the commanding level left its mark on them, and things they did before we arrived were extreme. Take the story about the boy and the kick to the crotch, for example".

The reality of the situation and the fraternity of fighters prompted some of them to cover up for their friends, even if they stole from homes where they conducted searches or sexually harassed or provoked Arab women. Some of the soldiers were singled out in the study as "prone to being led" - that is, they were swept up in the wake of their officers and buddies - and there were some who had never lifted a hand against anyone before their army service. "The moment the red line is broken, it is not just broken, it is smashed to smithereens, and from that moment everything is permitted," one soldier testified.

His mother said last week: "He matured and changed in the army. I sent a nice kibbutznik and I got back an Arab-hater."

'Our job was to hit them'

Mohammed al-Dura lives on

Gideon Levy, Haaretz, 07/10/07. All of these are tasteless questions [of who killed al-Dura] designed to divert attention from the truly important issues: According to data collected by human rights group B'Tselem, Israel is responsible for killing more than 850 Palestinian children and teenagers since al-Dura was killed, including 92 in the past year alone. Last October, we killed 31 children in Gaza. If Israel were really interested in improving its "public relations," it would embrace the al-Dura family instead of all the foolish investigations. It would provide compensation to the family and show the world that it is truly and sincerely sorry about the death of one child. But even if there is some doubt, it is certain that the IDF has killed and is killing children. So this ridiculous focus on who killed al-Dura, a question that will never be resolved, is no more than a tempest in a putrid teapot. There should be a tempest, a great and mighty one, but one focused on an entirely different issue: Why is the IDF continuing to kill children at such a frightening pace, and why doesn't Israel take responsibility for this and compensate the families of those killed? But no one is conducting "investigations" about this.


The concern Israel demonstrates for the fate of one Palestinian boy touches the heart: Again, note what a fuss is being made about the case of the killing of Mohammed al-Dura. Our heart is impervious to the fate of other children who have been killed. Just little Mohammed continues to haunt us. But the question of who killed al-Dura is not important. And maybe he is even alive, as some eccentrics claim. Perhaps he committed suicide, as the strange investigations are liable to suggest.

All of these are tasteless questions designed to divert attention from the truly important issues: According to data collected by human rights group B'Tselem, Israel is responsible for killing more than 850 Palestinian children and teenagers since al-Dura was killed, including 92 in the past year alone. Last October, we killed 31 children in Gaza. This is what should have raised a storm and not the measurements by the former head of the Israel Defense Forces' Southern Command, Yom Tov Samiyeh, aimed at proving that his soldiers did not kill al-Dura, or the "investigations" by the physicist Nahum Shahaf. In an eccentric obsession, Shahaf has devoted the past years to this affair, after previously having also obtained "amazing material" on the murder of Yitzhak Rabin.

Al-Dura refuses to step down from the stage because he has become an icon of the Palestinian struggle and a symbol of Israeli brutality. A thousand Nahum Shahafs will not succeed in blurring the unequivocal fact that a scandalous killing of children is taking place in the territories.

Even if the director of the Government Press Office, Danny Seaman, is right in determining that the film made by the reliable and experienced French journalist Charles Enderlin was "staged," and even if he succeeds in clearing Israel from responsibility for this killing, what will we say about the other children who have been killed? That their killing was also "staged?" That the IDF did not kill them through carelessness and contempt for their lives; by being trigger-happy and even acting with premeditation? If Israel were really interested in improving its "public relations," it would embrace the al-Dura family instead of all the foolish investigations. It would provide compensation to the family and show the world that it is truly and sincerely sorry about the death of one child.

The question of who killed al-Dura is like the question of what Joseph Trumpeldor mumbled before his death. The myth in both cases is already stronger than any investigation. Al-Dura became a symbol because his killing was documented on videotape. All the other hundreds of children were killed without cameras present, so no one is interested in their fate. If there had been a camera in Bushara Barjis' room in the Jenin refugee camp while she was studying for a pre-matriculation test, we would have a film showing an IDF sniper firing a bullet at her head. If there had been a photographer near Jamal Jabaji from the Askar camp, we would see soldiers emerging from an armored jeep and aiming their weapons at the head of a child who threw stones at them. But these children did not become symbols; there are no stamps bearing their portraits, no streets named after them and no songs composed for them as with al-Dura because they were not filmed at the time of their deaths.

Al-Dura became a symbol because every struggle needs a symbol, a shrine for the masses of dead and the anonymous heroes. The assumption that the IDF soldiers firing at Palestinians at the Netzarim junction killed the boy cradled in his father's arms exactly seven years ago is the most reasonable one. As far as we can remember, there has been no other case in which Palestinians fired at the IDF and hit a Palestinian child.

But even if there is some doubt, it is certain that the IDF has killed and is killing children. So this ridiculous focus on who killed al-Dura, a question that will never be resolved, is no more than a tempest in a putrid teapot. There should be a tempest, a great and mighty one, but one focused on an entirely different issue: Why is the IDF continuing to kill children at such a frightening pace, and why doesn't Israel take responsibility for this and compensate the families of those killed? But no one is conducting "investigations" about this.


Palestinian students trapped in Gaza

Guardian, 05/10/07. We find it deeply ironic, given the recent heated debate on the proposed academic boycott of Israeli universities by the UCU (Report, September 29), that the Israeli supreme court on October 2 ruled that Kahled al-Mudallal, a Bradford University student, cannot leave Gaza and return to his studies in the UK. We hope the voices that criticised the boycott and called so vociferously for preserving academic freedom and promoting dialogue will lend their support to those of us calling on the Israeli government to reverse the supreme court decision, and on the UK government to do all in its power to support the human rights of students like Kahled.

This is not just an issue of academic freedom, important though that is, but is a flagrant breach of a fundamental human right to education. This judgment undermines both academic freedom and the very possibility of constructive dialogue across communities.
Sarah Perrigo,
Dr Mandy Turner,
Prof Jenny Pearce,
Prof Mike Pugh,
Prof Donna Pankhurst,
Prof Nana Poku,
Valentina Bartolucci and 10 others

Department of peace studies, University of Bradford

The right to education is a human right as stated in the UN universal declaration of human rights. Khaled al-Mudallal is one of hundreds of Palestinian students who are currently unable to leave Gaza to begin the new academic year. The British government should do everything in its power to ensure that Israel lifts the restrictions that are preventing Khaled and other students leaving Gaza to complete their education.
Richard Burden MP
Gemma Tumelty President, NUS
Sally Hunt General secretary, UCU
Ruqayyah Collector NUS Black Students' Campaign
Dan Judelson Jews for Justice for Palestinians
Professor Irene Bruegel
Betty Hunter Palestine Solidarity Campaign
Professor Lynne Segal
Richard Kuper

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