Al Mezan calls president Abbas to revoke his decision issuing a new election law; calls PLC to perform its legislative role

05/09/07. On 2 September 2007, president Mahmoud Abbas issued a law-making decision (hereinafter Decision); the law it makes being without a serial number. The Decision annuls the Palestinian General Elections Law No. 9/2005 and its amendments. The new law includes 121 articles distributed on 13 chapters. Its preamble invokes the provisions of the Amended Palestinian Basic Law (temporary constitution); and particularly its article 43.

Al Mezan Center for Human Rights views with much concern the issuance of this Decision, which comes in the context of continued escalation of the internal political crisis in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) which threatens the very social and political textile in OPT.

Al Mezan is also concerned by the frequent issuance of law-making decisions by the president since June 2007 without justified necessity. This will only contribute undermining the foundations of the Palestinian political regime. It seriously threatens the principle of the rule of law of separation of powers; which is gravely affected by the increasing marginalization of the Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC).

Al Mezan considers that some of the presidential decrees and decisions as a part from the power struggle and not linked to an objective urgency that necessitate the interference of the president in legislation, for the exigencies of the situation do not require such a level of interference. Moreover, the Center realizes that the current internal struggle over power in the OPT is essentially political.

This said, Al Mezan finds it necessary to clarify its position regarding this development, which is essentially founded on the provisions and limitations of the Palestinian law. The Center sums up its remarks on this Decision as follows:

1. The Palestinian Basic Law authorizes the president of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) to issue law-making decisions; as stipulated in article 43 of the Amended Palestinian Law, of 2005. However, this power is limited to exceptional situation. Article 43 provides that the president of the PNA shall have the right, in situations of urgency that cannot bear delays when the PLC is not in a regular legislative period, to issue decisions that have the force of the law. These decisions, the same article continues, shall be presented before the PLC at its first convention after the issuance of the decisions. Otherwise, it asserts, these decisions will cease to have the force of the law. Should such decisions be presented before the PLC in the manner mentioned above, and not approved by the PLC, they shall cease to have the force of the law.

2. The Palestinian Basic Law limits the exercise of legislative powers by the president only in exceptionally urgent cases that cannot bear delay. It is Al Mezan's view that this condition is not met in the case at hand. It disputes that there exists a justifiable emergency necessitating the Decision on general elections. It bases this judgment on two reasons:

a. The Basic Law assumes that an emergency which cannot bear delay means an unexpected development or crisis which requires an immediate resolution. Apparently, this is not the case as far as the Decision is concerned with future elections.

b. It has been acknowledged by many of the president's aides that there was no intention to hold early elections currently soon. This is also affirmed by article 2 in the new law, which states that the president shall issue a decree calling for presidential and legislative elections at least three months before the end of the president's period in office or the PLC's period. This decree shall determine a date for elections and shall be published in the Palestine Chronicle. This is indicative of the fact that an emergency necessitating the issuance of such a Decision does not exist.

3. As mentioned above, Article 43 of the Palestinian Amended Basic Law authorizes the president to issue decisions that have the power of law. Nonetheless, this authority is restricted by the condition that such a decision is issued only when the PLC is not in its legislative period, be it regular or irregular. Given that the PLC is in a legislative period now, despite its failure to convene its session for various reasons, this condition is not duly met.

4. The PLC's current failure to convene its sessions or to perform its tasks requires that the two dominant parliamentary blocks; Hamas' Change and Reform Block and Fatah's Martyr Yasser Arafat Block, take practical steps to preserve their legislative powers as mandated by their constituencies and by the law. They should start the legislative and monitoring tasks instead of withdrawing and leaving the space for the executive to confiscate the legislative powers at its convenience by invoking the aforementioned Article 43.

5. The excessive appeal to Article 43, which authorizes transfer of legislative powers to the executive represented by the President in this case, constitutes an inadequate practice and is contrary to the purposes pursuit by it; dealing with a strictly urgent situation. It produces an unbalanced relationship between the powers where a dominant executive excessively seizes the powers of the legislature and judiciary, and confiscates fundamental freedoms. This situation is contrary to the purposes of the Basic Law, which explicitly sets the separation of powers and the rule of law as central principles of the PNA's government.

6. The 2007 decision fluctuates with General Elections Law No. 9/2005 and its amendment, which is already in force, by adopting a full proportional representation system with OPT as one constituency, as opposed to the mixed system according to which the last election was organized in January 2006. The Decision and its new law also deviate from the Law No. 9/2005 regarding the definition of residents, the candidacy conditions and other electoral processes and procedures.

7. Articles 36(5) and 46(6) add new criteria for the conditions of candidacy for the President and PLC offices. According to the new decision, candidates have to "commit to the Palestine Liberation Organization as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, and to the Declaration of Independence as well as the provisions of the Basic Law". Al Mezan finds these new conditions contrary to the Basic Law for the following reasons:

a. The conditions constitute unjustifiable, unnecessary constraints that deviate from accepted procedures in democratic electoral laws;

b. They contravene with Article (9) of the Amended Basic Law, which assert that "Palestinians are equal before the law and the judiciary without any form of discrimination on the basis of ethnicity, gender, color, religion, political opinion of disability".

c. They are also in breach of Article (19) of the Amended Basic Law which renders any infringement upon or restriction of the freedom of opinion and expression illegal as long as such a restriction is not provided for by the law.

d. They moreover breach Article 3(26) of the Amended Basic Law, which establish the right of every Palestinian citizen to participate in political life, whether individually or collectively with others, and in particular throughout voting and candidacy for offices in order to choose their representative by public election in accordance with the law.

Based on these observations Al Mezan Center reiterates its calls for Palestinian-Palestinian political dialogue as the only way to draw to a close the internal disparity. Otherwise, such matters of law must be decided by courts.

Al Mezan calls on president Mahmoud Abbas to revoke this Decision, which introduces a new elections law. Instead, the president should pressure the parliamentary blocks in the PLC to allow for its convention and to practice its legislative role as set out by the law. Al Mezan also asserts the necessity of national reconciliation and harmony as far as national elections are involved.

Barghuti si schiera contro Hamas

Michele Giorgio, il manifesto, 04/09/07. Pressato dai vertici del suo partito, che lo accusavano di non aver preso una posizione ferma sullo scontro in atto con Hamas, Marwan Barghuti, il leader più popolare di Fatah e «comandante dell'Intifada», dalla prigione israeliana dove sconta una condanna a cinque ergastoli, domenica sera è uscito allo scoperto condannando la presa del potere di Hamas a Gaza, e aggiungendo di temere che «la pugnalata alle spalle» inferta dal movimento islamico, possa ripetersi in Cisgiordania ["By building a network of settlements and a network of 'bypass' roads around all the Palestinian towns and villages, Israel has ensured effective control of the entire [area] – and of the lives of more than two million Palestinians who live there.". Amnesty International]. Barghuti peraltro ha dovuto dare pieno sostegno all'idea di elezioni anticipate nei Territori occupati, quale unica strada per uscire dalla crisi, proprio nel giorno in cui il presidente Abu Mazen ha annunciato una nuova legge elettorale volta a favorire il suo partito, il Fatah, che impone a ogni candidato di «rispettare il programma dell'Olp», organizzazione di cui non fa parte Hamas. Si tratta di una legge anti-democratica, perché vuole escludere una forza politica che gode di ampio consenso non solo a Gaza ma anche in Cisgiordania. Il gruppo dirigente di Fatah sogna il voto anticipato ma vuole esser sicuro di vincere e così la futura legge elettorale stabilisce che i cittadini saranno chiamati a esprimere la loro preferenza soltanto per le liste nazionali dei partiti e che sarà abolito il voto distrettuale. Tuttavia solo il Parlamento ha l'autorità di emendare la legge elettorale e visto che l'assemblea palestinese è dominata dai deputati della lista islamica, Abu Mazen non potrà che far uso continuo di decreti, compiendo abusi e violazioni della legalità.
Hamas non resta a guardare. A Gaza ormai è in atto quella che viene chiamata «la guerra della preghiera» e il movimento islamico ha deciso di vietare i riti all'aperto, dopo che per due venerdì consecutivi manifestanti di Fatah si sono riuniti per pregare all'esterno delle moschee - ufficialmente per non ascoltare i sermoni anti-Abu Mazen pronunciati dagli imam di Hamas - prima di dar vita a proteste, subito represse dalla Forza esecutiva di Hamas (venerdì scorso ci sono stati oltre venti feriti e decine di arresti). «Le preghiere pubbliche volute da Fatah non sono serie, comprendono un comportamento ridicolo da parte dei fedeli che non vengono per pregare ma per compiere disordini e violare la legge», ha spiegato Hamas in un comunicato. Salta all'occhio però il dato non secondario che proprio un movimento islamico ha vietato la libertà di preghiera in qualsiasi luogo che l'Islam garantisce al musulmano.

Intanto ieri sera a Ramallah, prima tappa del tour che lo porterà oggi in Egitto e domani in Israele, il ministro degli esteri Massimo D'Alema ha espresso il sostegno del governo italiano a quello che ha descritto come «lo sforzo che si va compiendo per aprire nuove prospettive di pace». D'Alema pur affermando la ricostituzione su «basi giuste» dell'unità nazionale palestinese, è stato chiaro nell'affermare che la sua visita è di aperto sostegno ad Abu Mazen e ha chiarito che la politica italiana verso Hamas non cambia, resta ancorata a quella europea e alle condizioni poste dal Quartetto, nonostante le timide aperture fatte nelle scorse settimane al movimento islamico dal Presidente del Consiglio Prodi.

PCHR Position on the Presidential Decree on the Election Law

04/09/07. PCHR is concerned over the Presidential Decision with the Force of Law on Presidential and Legislative Elections issued by President Mahmoud Abbas yesterday. The Centre views this decision as a continuation in the undermining of the legislative branch and usurping its authority by the executive branch since the events of last June.

In the introduction to the decision, it was stated that the decision “was issued in accordance with the rules of the Amended Basic Law for the year 2003 and its amendments, specifically Article 43…” This constitutional article states that “The President of the National Authority at times of necessity that cannot be delayed during times of when the Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) is not convened can issue decisions with the force of law that must be presented to the PLC in its first sessions after these decisions; otherwise these decisions lose their authority as law….”

Yesterday’s decision replaces Elections Law No. 9 for the Year 2005 that was passed by the PLC and signed by President Abbas on 13 August 2005.

Most notable in the decision was the adoption of a complete proportional representation system in PLC elections that considers the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) as one electoral unit. This electoral system is different from mixed system in Elections Law No. 9 that governed the PLC elections in January 2006, won decisively by Hamas. The mixed system divided the PLC election seats into two groups: 50% elected by proportional representation taking the OPT as one district and 50% by the majoritarian system in different districts.

The third article in the President’s decision states “Elections for the post of President are conducted by direct, free, and secret ballot. The winner is the candidate who receives an absolute majority of correct votes. If no candidate gets an absolute majority, the top two candidates compete in a second round held after 15 days. The winner is the person that gets the highest votes in the second round.

Article 36 of the decision stipulates that any candidate to the Presidential or PLC elections must “commit to the PLO as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, to the Declaration of Independence, and to the Basic Law.”

In light of this decision, PCHR points to the following observations:

1. Despite full support of a full proportional representation system for the elections, PCHR rejects the mechanism if issuing this new law through the President and not through the specialized authority of the PLC as stipulated by the Basic Law.

2. The President’s authority to pass decisions with the force of law during times that the PLC is not convened does not apply to this situation since the decision was issued to cancel an effective law. In addition, the decision was not issued to fill a legal vacuum; noting that the law determined that the PLC is the authority empowered with canceling or amending legislation. Thus, this article (43) should not be employed to usurp the powers of the legislature by the executive under the pretext that the PLC is not convened. PCHR views this action as undermining the results of the recent legislative elections in the OPT, and an undermining of the PLC that was elected in free elections indicative of the will of the Palestinian people.

3. PCHR is extremely concerned by the systematic destruction of the Palestinian political system during the ongoing crisis between Fatah and Hamas, and the resulting split in the executive branch that has affected the judicial and legislative branches. In essence, this means destroying the political system of the PNA and paralyzing its main functions.

4. The democratic process in the OPT, including the last PLC elections, were undermined by Israel starting with the detention of more than 40 PLC members from the majority party. After that, the work of the PLC was repeatedly hindered with responsibility for that falling on the two main parties: Fatah and Hamas.

5. Any call for elections during the current circumstances without national consensus is an unrealistic call that will not succeed without a political agreement between all parties, especially Fatah and Hamas. The Centre warns against any attempt to hold elections in the West Bank only if no agreement is reached. This step will only deepen the separation between the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

6. The Centre renews its position that the current crisis between Fatah and Hamas is a political crisis that necessitates a dialogue leading to a consensus based on effective political participation by all parties. The Centre does not envision the approval of any new elections law without agreement by the main political parties in the OPT.

7. PCHR sees the positive aspects of the President’s decision, especially with regards to a full proportional representation electoral system instead of the mixed system that governed the last PLC elections, as well as establishing a mechanism to decide presidential elections among a number of candidates if none achieved an absolute majority.

8. The Centre affirms its full support for the full proportional representation system, which was expressed before and after the last elections. The Centre views this system as the most suitable system to express political plurality and to enhance political participation in a strong multi-party system. The Centre reminds that the full proportional representation system was a demand for most Palestinian civil society and political parties.

9. The last PLC elections proved the failure of the mixed system in expressing political weight compared to the number of votes, and stressed the need for adopting a full proportional representation system.

10. Adopting a mixed system in Elections Law No. 9 for the Year 2005 was a compromise to calls for full proportional representation system and others calling for the majoritarian system established in Elections Law No. 13 for the Year 1995, which government the first PLC elections in January 1996. It is evident that Fatah’s majority in the outgoing PLC passed the mixed system; and it is believed that many persons who approved the mixed system had personal motives to improve their chances of re-election as independents, which is not possible under a full proportional representation system.

Il premier Fayyad avverte Roma "Con Hamas non si può negoziare"

Marco Ansaldo, la Repubblica.it, 04/09/07. Il primo ministro dell'Anp replica alle aperture di D'Alema e Prodi: "Sbagliano". "Portare avanti il dialogo solo con il governo palestinese legittimamente eletto"

Ramallah - "Prodi e D'Alema sbagliano. Non si può negoziare con Hamas. Perché l'interlocutore per un dialogo è solo il governo legittimamente eletto in Palestina. E quello siamo noi, e non altri".
Salam Fayyad è nuovo negli uffici governativi di Ramallah, ma la sua voce si fa già sentire.

Il primo ministro dell'Autorità nazionale palestinese (Anp) è a capo di un esecutivo di emergenza, non è un politico di professione. Ma la sua formazione di tecnocrate - Fayyad è un economista laureato all'Università americana di Beirut - gli consente anzi di guardare altrove, alzando la polvere che giace da anni sotto i tappeti della Muqata, il palazzo presidenziale un tempo abitato da Yasser Arafat, per spulciare nientemeno le carte finanziarie del raìs. E se un giorno si scopriranno alcuni retroscena del tesoro di Arafat, sarà grazie a questo serio signore con i capelli bianchi e gli occhiali dalla montatura leggera, capace di leggere i numeri come nessun altro ha mai fatto qui.

Signor primo ministro, lei ha appena incontrato il ministro degli Esteri italiano Massimo D'Alema, che oggi ha ribadito l'appoggio a Fatah ma nelle scorse settimane si era anche detto favorevole a un dialogo con Hamas. È d'accordo con questa posizione?
"Ho sentito anche le dichiarazioni fatte alcune settimane fa dal presidente del Consiglio, Romano Prodi. E devo dire che la mia posizione in questo senso è netta. Chi vuole impostare un negoziato con Hamas è in errore".

Perché?
"Perché il dialogo deve essere portato avanti con una parte sola, e questa siamo noi: il governo palestinese legittimamente eletto".

L'Italia sostiene però che per arrivare alla pace occorre un patto tra Fatah e Hamas, e che non si può trovare un accordo solo con metà dei palestinesi.
"Io sostengo che Hamas deve innanzitutto far cessare quello che accade ogni giorno a Gaza. Nella Striscia c'è una situazione orribile e pericolosa. Se qualcuno ha un'idea diversa sono pronto a discutere, ma a condizione di far terminare le difficoltà in quell'area. Per parlare bisogna prima rispettarsi a vicenda".

E lei che considerazione ha di chi oggi governa la Striscia?
"La mia intenzione più forte in questo momento è quella di contrastarli. Vadano al diavolo, noi non siamo come loro! Per esempio, chi dice che dovremmo sottoscrivere un messaggio di odio che viene dalle moschee? Eppure anch'io sono un musulmano. Ma non accetto che questa sia la faccia che tutto il mondo vede degli islamici".

Voi che cosa offrite in alternativa?
"Noi abbiamo un'alternativa. Offriamo una visione piena e integrata della questione palestinese, e sono fiducioso che Gaza verrà reintegrata con la Cisgiordania".

In pratica che cosa propone?
"Di eliminare, al meglio e al più presto, i danni sofferti dalla Palestina negli ultimi due anni, sia a livello finanziario sia istituzionale".

E il negoziato con Israele?
"I piccoli miglioramenti in corso non devono nascondere la realtà: noi dobbiamo ottenere la nostra libertà. E da sola, l'economia non può fare tutto".

Che cosa vuol dire?
"Che il mio governo ha avuto successo nel far terminare le restrizioni bancarie e la difficile situazione economica degli ultimi anni. Tutti i salari di tutti gli impiegati sono stati pagati. Ma non basta. La questione con Israele è politica. Ci sono quasi 600 posti di blocco in tutto il paese. È possibile giustificare ogni provvedimento solo con ragioni di sicurezza? A questi checkpoint si percepisce tutta l'umiliazione a cui è sottoposto il nostro popolo".

Che cosa può fare in questo senso l'Anp?
"Il mio è un governo di emergenza. Ma il presidente Abu Mazen mi ha chiesto di continuare a esercitare l'azione che stiamo portando avanti a più livelli. Questa amministrazione incontra i favori della maggioranza del popolo palestinese, come dicono tutti i sondaggi e gli studi fatti di recente. Hamas non deve dunque guardare all'Anp come a un partito: perché invece è la casa di tutti i palestinesi".

(4 settembre 2007)