The PA's hollow protests

Amira Hass, Haaretz, 13.3.08. The question of why the Palestinians have not adopted Mahatma Gandhi's nonviolent resistance should be addressed to PA leaders - not the millions of Palestinians who every day wage an unarmed struggle against the sophisticated and advanced methods of oppression. The protests would sound completely different if the protesters were to organize a calculated public revolt against Israel's tactics of annexation.

There is no lack of opportunities.

There are hundreds of concrete barriers blocking exits to villages. The PA could send a bulldozer to remove one of them every day. Senior officials could come along: Mahmoud Abbas or someone from his bureau, heads of security organizations, members of the PLO central committee, senior Fatah representatives, ministers and directors general. There are roads that are forbidden to Palestinian cars. PA officials and West Bank residents could form a long convoy of cars and drive on these roads. Many Israelis would be happy to join them. Building and development are banned in Area C. The Palestinian planning office could order the appropriate Palestinian ministries to put up electricity lines, to prepare the infrastructure to connect villages to the water carrier, to dig cisterns to collect rainwater, to build schools, clinics and houses. Maybe even dig wells. All of the things that the Israeli occupation authorities forbid to do on 60 percent of the West Bank. Here, too, there will be no small number of Israelis opposed to the occupation who will join up.

The Civil Administration will come and destroy it all. Then build it again.

The senior officials accompanying the work will be arrested. Even better. Should only the residents of Bil'in be arrested for their unarmed struggle against the occupation?

The evacuation of the settlements in the Gaza Strip, it should be said again, was a brilliant move by Israel to speed up the political separation between the West Bank and Gaza; it all the while masqueraded as "the beginning of the pullout."

The condemnations heard from the PA camp are for internal purposes only. It is a way of telling the Palestinian public that its representatives are in the same boat as the weak population that suffers under occupation, just as the armed struggle is intended to show the Palestinian public which organization really knows how to exact revenge. The PA's condemnations prove how ridiculous and impotent they truly are. They signal to both Israel and the Palestinians that it does not matter how many new settlement homes will be erected, a Palestinian partner will always take his place at the "peace process" show.

Negotiations and armed struggle are not the only means of fighting the occupation. The question of why the Palestinians have not adopted Mahatma Gandhi's nonviolent resistance should be addressed to PA leaders - not the millions of Palestinians who every day wage an unarmed struggle against the sophisticated and advanced methods of oppression.

The protests would sound completely different if the protesters were to organize a calculated public revolt against Israel's tactics of annexation.

There is no lack of opportunities.

There are hundreds of concrete barriers blocking exits to villages. The PA could send a bulldozer to remove one of them every day. Senior officials could come along: Mahmoud Abbas or someone from his bureau, heads of security organizations, members of the PLO central committee, senior Fatah representatives, ministers and directors general.

There are roads that are forbidden to Palestinian cars. PA officials and West Bank residents could form a long convoy of cars and drive on these roads. Many Israelis would be happy to join them.

Building and development are banned in Area C. The Palestinian planning office could order the appropriate Palestinian ministries to put up electricity lines, to prepare the infrastructure to connect villages to the water carrier, to dig cisterns to collect rainwater, to build schools, clinics and houses. Maybe even dig wells. All of the things that the Israeli occupation authorities forbid to do on 60 percent of the West Bank. Here, too, there will be no small number of Israelis opposed to the occupation who will join up.

The Civil Administration will come and destroy it all. Then build it again.

The senior officials accompanying the work will be arrested. Even better. Should only the residents of Bil'in be arrested for their unarmed struggle against the occupation?

It is possible to come up with hundreds of other measures of this kind, which could replace the official Palestinian governmental plan, and force the leadership away from their "make-believe state," and bring them back to battle for liberation. True, these measures alone cannot end the colonization, but they have the potential to end the status quo that is so convenient for Israel: expanding settlements, endless negotiations, protests and shootings. There is a potential here to change the alienated relations between the people and their representatives, to create a new type of Palestinian diplomacy.

But it is also true that such a vision has no chance. The present PA and PLO leadership has grown accustomed to living as a nomenclature. They are confusing the interests of their own people with their relatively comfortable ceremonial status; a status that is their reward for being willing to participate in a spectacle of respectability scripted by the Americans and Europeans for the benefit of Israel

Two Forms of Resistance

Art Gish, Christian Peacemaker Teams, 21.1.08. In response to Israelis killing over thirty Palestinians in Gaza, disturbances broke out in the streets of Hebron January 16 and 17. Palestinian youth threw stones at Israeli soldiers and the Israeli soldiers responded with volleys of tear gas, percussion grenades, and “rubber” bullets. For hours on both days, the youth threw stones, and ran away when the soldiers shot at them, and then immediately returned to the area.

The whole scene both days seemed absurd. Both sides were stimulating the violent response of the other side. It was a game of teenagers on both sides attacking those on the other side. Members of Christian Peacemaker Teams and journalists stood near the soldiers as the shooting continued for hours. Rocks, “rubber” bullets, and tear gas canisters littered the streets. There seemed to be little that we could do to stop the absurd game.

Throwing stones at soldiers is not a very creative response to oppression and does not accomplish much positive. The soldiers were acting even more irresponsibly and irrationally. The response of the soldiers only encouraged and emboldened the youth. The simple way to get the youth to stop throwing stones would have been for the soldiers to leave the area. Shooting at the stone throwers is hardly a way to peace. Even better would be to end the oppression and domination.

While the soldiers were shooting, other soldiers tried to keep Palestinians out of the area. A middle aged Palestinian woman started walking to the other side of the area, beyond the trouble spot. A soldier told her she could not cross the area and ordered her to turn back. Not only did the conservatively dressed Muslim woman not go back, she continued walking toward the other side of the intersection. The soldier tried to stop her, got in front of her, but the woman just walked around the soldier.

The poor soldier gave up, and the woman walked away. The actions of the woman left the soldier with his M-16 gun powerless. With internationals watching, he was not going to shoot the woman. The simple act of resistance by the woman was more powerful than the actions of either the soldiers or the stone-throwing youth.

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Christian Peacemaker Teams is an ecumeniocal initiative to support violence reduction efforts around the world. To learn more about CPT's peacemaking work, please visit our website at http:\www.cpt.org. Photos of our projects may be viewed at: http:\www.cpt.org/gallery

Friday demo - in Bilin 10/8/07 (the 131th) Palestine-Israel, the week end joint struggle against the separation fence and occupation

When we were still a long way from the usual point of confrontation with the Israeli state force, we heard their threat to assault us if we come too near... As the 100 guests included also women, and kids, the popular comity decided to stop earlier than usual and have the public meeting there.

When all the participants arrived, speeches and explanations were given. After it ended, the nonviolent demonstrators and the guests returned to the apartment we always meet in and more explanation were given to the guests.
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The other Friday demonstration was at the village Wallage. There at noon, 100 of the villagers together with 25 Israelis of the AATW initiative, and about the same number of internationals, approached the area the separation fence is built on. After the mid day prayer of the villages, the demonstrators invaded the route of the fence holding hands and defying the state forces who try to drive them away. There were lot of pushing and pushing back, throwing of tear gas grenades and shooting where they fell to prevent the throwing these back on the soldiers. The gendarmes complained why the reservist soldiers were nearly not active and got one of them to start throwing stones confrontation. After the border gendarmes were issued batons and they started to use it, the demonstrators dispersed. When the state force drove away they passed near the anarchist car and vent their frustration from the confrontation by breaking its rear window.
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On Saturday we had a sample of another joint struggle against the occupation - demonstrations and temporary removal of road blocks that force Palestinians of the occupied West bank to use round about roads and paths instead of the main roads. A planned demonstration and action in the village Sarra was canceled, so the contingent of the AATW who used round about path up the hill to arrive at Sarra had to use another round about route to get to the demonstration and action in the village Qusin.

Arriving there, we marched together up the road leading to the locked gate on the main and easy road to the near by Nablus. Though there is a military camp near the locked gate, located near a sign forbidding Israeli from passing as it marks Palestinian area A. people succeeded to break the chain locking the gate. After a short celebration all the people started to return to the village.

The state force of the near camp got organized a bit late. They came in few cars and tried to block the way of the demonstrators to the village and to punish us on using the road near the camp.

In their efforts they shoot us with tear gas grenade and tried to destroy cameras and video equipment..... but were prevented from doing it. Most of the village people use the hill paths to escape from the state force harassment but two of them, 5 internationals and 6 of the Israeli AATW were detained.

After using round about path the 4 of us who were not arrested arrived at our car and started to participate in the publicity of the action and the support of the people detained. At a certain point we were informed the detained were arrested and will be taken to the regional Ariel police station.

We traveled there and were in time to say hallo to the comrades when they were taken from the military car into the police station for procession.

There we could see the harsh treatment of the two Palestinian comrades who were with tied hands and covered eyes - treatment the others were not suffering.

Gradually, the Israeli and the internationals were released subject to accepting the restriction not to enter closed military zone during the following 15 days signing self bail of 3000 shekel each.

http://awalls.org

Palestine-Israel, the week end joint struggle against the separation fence and occupation

Ilan S., Anarchit against the Wall, 15/09/07. On Friday we had two joint demonstrations against the separation fence. One was a continuation of the celebration in Bil'in for the partial victory against the route of the separation fence - the Israeli highest court was forced to partially accept the petition of Bil'in against the present route. About 100 Palestinians from Jericho (including the mayor) arrived a bit late for the original plan as they were stopped time and again in road blocks on their way. Thus, after the noon prayer, they joined the Bil'in villagers, the internationals, and a small team of the Israeli anarchists against the wall (AATW) in a march on the road to the route of the separation fence.

When we were still a long way from the usual point of confrontation with the Israeli state force, we heard their threat to assault us if we come too near... As the 100 guests included also women, and kids, the popular comity decided to stop earlier than usual and have the public meeting there.

When all the participants arrived, speeches and explanations were given. After it ended, the nonviolent demonstrators and the guests returned to the apartment we always meet in and more explanation were given to the guests.
---------------------------------

The other Friday demonstration was at the village Wallage. There at noon, 100 of the villagers together with 25 Israelis of the AATW initiative, and about the same number of internationals, approached the area the separation fence is built on. After the mid day prayer of the villages, the demonstrators invaded the route of the fence holding hands and defying the state forces who try to drive them away. There were lot of pushing and pushing back, throwing of tear gas grenades and shooting where they fell to prevent the throwing these back on the soldiers. The gendarmes complained why the reservist soldiers were nearly not active and got one of them to start throwing stones confrontation. After the border gendarmes were issued batons and they started to use it, the demonstrators dispersed. When the state force drove away they passed near the anarchist car and vent their frustration from the confrontation by breaking its rear window.
=========================================

On Saturday we had a sample of another joint struggle against the occupation - demonstrations and temporary removal of road blocks that force Palestinians of the occupied West bank to use round about roads and paths instead of the main roads. A planned demonstration and action in the village Sarra was canceled, so the contingent of the AATW who used round about path up the hill to arrive at Sarra had to use another round about route to get to the demonstration and action in the village Qusin.

Arriving there, we marched together up the road leading to the locked gate on the main and easy road to the near by Nablus. Though there is a military camp near the locked gate, located near a sign forbidding Israeli from passing as it marks Palestinian area A. people succeeded to break the chain locking the gate. After a short celebration all the people started to return to the village.

The state force of the near camp got organized a bit late. They came in few cars and tried to block the way of the demonstrators to the village and to punish us on using the road near the camp.

In their efforts they shoot us with tear gas grenade and tried to destroy cameras and video equipment..... but were prevented from doing it. Most of the village people use the hill paths to escape from the state force harassment but two of them, 5 internationals and 6 of the Israeli AATW were detained.

After using round about path the 4 of us who were not arrested arrived at our car and started to participate in the publicity of the action and the support of the people detained. At a certain point we were informed the detained were arrested and will be taken to the regional Ariel police station.

We traveled there and were in time to say hallo to the comrades when they were taken from the military car into the police station for procession.

There we could see the harsh treatment of the two Palestinian comrades who were with tied hands and covered eyes - treatment the others were not suffering.

Gradually, the Israeli and the internationals were released subject to accepting the restriction not to enter closed military zone during the following 15 days signing self bail of 3000 shekel each.

http://awalls.org

Barghouti: così sarà la nuova intifada

Michelangelo Cocco Roma, il manifesto, 12/09/07. I diritti di un popolo, la sua lotta e la paura dell'isolamento. Resistenza popolare e nonviolenta: dopo la vittoria di Bilin, porteremo la protesta anti-Muro in altri 70 villaggi. Non vivremo nei bantustan, se Israele continua così si va verso lo stato unico. Si vince solo con la solidarietà: l'Italia stracci il trattato di cooperazione militare con Tel Aviv. Mustafa Barghouti è il leader palestinese che più di ogni altro s'identifica con la società civile. Il fondatore di Mubadara, che ha ottenuto circa il 20% dei voti alle ultime elezioni presidenziali, ha trascorso un paio di giorni in Italia, dove ha incontrato i principali leader del centrosinistra e preso parte al Comitato centrale della Fiom. La sua visita di ieri alla redazione del manifesto è stata l'occasione per fare il punto sulla resistenza nonviolenta in Palestina, dopo che l'Alta corte israeliana ha dato ragione agli abitanti di Bilin, il villaggio della Cisgiordania dove un'inedita coalizione di contadini, attivisti di Stop the wall, anarchici israeliani e militanti internazionali ha riportato un'importante vittoria: il muro, lungo un tratto di 1.7 chilometri, dovrà essere riportato all'indietro, fuori dalle terre palestinesi che aveva invaso.

Perché considerate tanto importante la vittoria degli abitanti di Bilin?
La Corte suprema israeliana ha deciso che il Muro deve essere spostato da Bilin, ma anche che parte di una colonia ebraica può rimanere in quel villaggio. Quindi si è trattato di una vittoria parziale, ma è stata la prima volta che abbiamo costretto Israele a spostare il muro. Avevamo bisogno di una vittoria morale, per dimostrare che una lotta pacifica e nonviolenta è in grado di fare la differenza. Tre anni di manifestazioni, ogni settimana, tutti i venerdì: ora tutti credono che la vera lotta riparta da qui, perché il nostro obiettivo non è spostare il muro ma abbatterlo, in accordo col parere della Corte internazionale di giustizia del 2004. A garantire il nostro successo è stata la combinazione di nonviolenza, solidarietà internazionale e attivismo di alcuni pacifisti israeliani. E stiamo replicando il modello Bilin: ci sono già sette villaggi che, da due mesi, hanno iniziato lo stesso tipo di protesta. Puntiamo ad arrivare a 70 manifestazioni e al coinvolgimento di altrettanti centri.
Gaza però sembra intrappolata in una spirale repressione-resistenza armata-repressione.
Sì, ma anche la gente di Gaza ammira ciò che stiamo facendo. La differenza tra Bilin e altre iniziative è che altri dicono «la resistenza armata non va bene», ma non forniscono alternative. L'Anp dichiara che la sua lotta è il negoziato, che però non è una battaglia, può essere solo il risultato di una lotta. Noi stiamo dimostrando che esiste una forma diversa di lotta che è tuttavia certamente una resistenza. Tutti hanno visto che le forze d'occupazione ci hanno picchiati più volte, io stesso sono stato ferito in due occasioni da proiettili di gomma. La resistenza nonviolenta è la forma di lotta più efficace, non meno eroica, meno rivoluzionaria di altre.
La gente di Hamas ha partecipato alla resistenza di Bilin?
Alcuni, non in gran numero. Ma in altri villaggi, come ad Aboud, ce ne sono di più. Hamas si sta evolvendo. Quando ero membro del Governo d'unità nazionale mi chiamarono a tenere una lezione a Gaza sulla resistenza nonviolenta e l'importanza della Comunità internazionale.
La prima intifada vide come protagonista la società civile, la seconda la resistenza armata. Cosa vede in futuro?
La nostra democrazia è in pericolo: Hamas minaccia la libertà d'espressione e d'associazione a Gaza, Fatah chiude le ong in Cisgiordania e restringere le libertà civili. Daremo un ruolo ancora più forte alla società civile. Militarizzare la seconda intifada è stato un grave errore e per questo Bilin è così importante, perché mostra il potere della nonviolenza. Dieci, venti, 70 Bilin, così nascerà la nuova intifada.
Fatah ripete come un mantra: «due popoli, due stati», mentre ormai lo stato palestinese sembra impraticabile. Hamas non esplicita una strategia.
In realtà sulla strategia tra i due gruppi c'è una sola differenza, cioè che gli islamisti non vogliono dire che riconoscono Israele fino a quando lo Stato ebraico non accetterà di stabilire i confini dello Stato. La Comunità internazionale ci aveva detto: se accettate i due stati, il problema sarà risolto. Così nel 1988 tutto il movimento palestinese adottò questa linea. Sul terreno però gli israeliani stanno distruggendo questa possibilità. Io credo che o Israele è disposto a darci uno Stato che comprenda esattamente tutti i Territori occupati nel 1967 - compresa Gerusalemme est - o, se continuerà a distruggere l'opzione dei due stati, ne resterà una sola: quella di uno stato unico, democratico, con eguali diritti per tutti i suoi cittadini. Se la Comunità internazionale lascerà mano libera a Israele, noi non accetteremo i bantustan. Trasformeremo la nostra lotta in una lotta contro l'apartheid.
Cosa pensa dell'atteggiamento del governo italiano nei confronti del conflitto israelo-palestinese?
Apprezzo molto le dichiarazioni di Prodi e D'Alema sulla necessità di non isolare Hamas. Il problema è che quando abbiamo varato il Governo di unità nazionale, l'Italia ha avuto le mani legate, perché è rimasta ostaggio dell'Ue, che a sua volta non può avere una politica indipendente poiché gli Stati Uniti e Israele ne controllano le decisioni.
L'Italia è il quarto partner commerciale d'Israele. Ci inviterebbe al boicottaggio?
Il boicottaggio è molto efficace da un punto di vista psicologico, più che economico, perché fa sentire isolato il paese colpito. Ma se non si vuole boicottare Israele, un paese come l'Italia, che rispetta i diritti umani e il diritto internazionale, almeno non dovrebbe avere alcuna cooperazione militare con lo Stato ebraico. Perché l'Italia fa compravendita di armi con Israele, che viola il diritto internazionale, pratica l'apartheid e uccide quattro bambini palestinesi a settimana [Barghouti si riferisce ai bambini uccisi - 6 non 4 - nella settimana fine-agosto primi di settembre di quest'anno. Secondo Defence for Children International. Palestinian Section dal 28 settembre 2000 al 30 agosto 2007 i bambini uccisi sono stati 892] ? Almeno smettete di lavorare con questa macchina da guerra e sanzionate l'establishment militare israeliano.
Dove porteranno gli incontri tra Olmert e Abu Mazen che escludono dalle decisioni gran parte dello spettro politico palestinese?
Ripetono gli stessi errori di Oslo: un accordo temporaneo che, nel 1999, avrebbe dovuto portare a una soluzione definitiva. Siamo nel 2007, ciò che doveva essere temporaneo è diventato permanente. Israele continua un'annessione territoriale de facto con la costruzione del Muro, l'annessione di terra, l'espansione degli insediamenti. Non è stato rimosso nemmeno un posto di blocco, al contrario sono stati ingranditi. Hanno rilasciato 250 prigionieri e al loro posto hanno messo dietro le sbarre 400 persone.