ISRAEL-OPT: Only 41 percent of Gaza's food import needs being met

JERUSALEM, 6 December 2007 (IRIN) - Food imports into the Gaza Strip are only enough to meet 41 percent of demand, the World Food Programme (WFP) has said, though critical UN humanitarian food supplies are being allowed in. The cost of many basic items, such as beef, wheat and some dairy products have increased significantly, while locally grown produce is fetching extremely low prices on the local market, as exports are banned, threatening the livelihood of farmers. "Unless all terminals are fully opened within the upcoming weeks, both for exports and imports, the agricultural sector in Gaza is facing a major catastrophe," said Santiago Rippoll, a FAO food security analyst. Since the Hamas takeover of Gaza in June, the commercial crossing points with Israel have been all but shut, except for the import of basic humanitarian goods. Israel said it could not operate the crossings with Hamas, which it deems a terrorist organisation, controlling the other side. Israel is imposing the restrictions in retaliation for the continued firing of missiles from Gaza into Israel. A spokesman for the Israeli Prime Minister's Office said there "cannot be business as usual" with the Gaza Strip as long as rocket attacks against southern Israel continue. "Israel is committed to the continued supply of the essential humanitarian support to the people of Gaza," said spokesman Mark Regev, who added that it was up to the ruling Hamas movement to stop the rockets. Rise in requests for charity Israeli travel and trade restrictions have led to a decline in purchasing power in Gaza. A recent WFP survey found that of the 62 percent of people who said they had reduced their expenditure in recent months, 97 percent reported a decrease in spending on clothing and 93 percent on food. "The number of people in need is increasing and the percentage of people we can help is low," said Nasser al-Sharqawi, from al-Falah, a local Islamic charity. Half of all non-refugees in Gaza receive WFP food aid, while UNRWA, the UN Palestinian refugee agency, helps over 80 percent of refugees. About 70 percent of Gaza's population are refugees from the 1948 Israeli-Arab war. Naheda Ghabaien, a mother of five in the Beach refugee camp in central Gaza, said her husband Yousef used to work three or four days a week bringing home about US$10 a day. Now, like tens of thousands of Gazans who have lost their jobs since June - when Hamas seized control and tight travel and trade restrictions were imposed on the territory - Yousef only works a few days a month. Every three months, Naheda said, the family receives from UNRWA amounts of rice, flour, oil and sugar that can last for four to six weeks. The family rarely eats meat anymore, relying mostly on vegetables. "When the agency food runs out, we buy the food we need on credit from the grocer. When my husband works, most of his daily earnings go to settling the debt," she told IRIN. Aid workers say these sorts of coping mechanisms are reaching their limits as the economy in Gaza continues its downward spiral. Agriculture hit The UN Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) has said farmers have so far lost $4.5 million due to the squeeze on imports and exports since June 2007. However, the main season for exporting cash crops began in November, and the Palestinian Ministry of Agriculture has estimated that farmers will lose another $50 million this season, if they cannot export to Israel and other foreign markets. According to the Palestinian Agricultural Relief Committees, about 25 percent of Gazans rely directly or indirectly on agriculture for their income. Farmers who used to export can only earn a fraction of their profits on the local market, which is now over-saturated, according to FAO. For example, last year strawberries were sold at $6 per kilogram, while now the price has dropped to 40 cents on the local market. Potatoes dropped from about $2.5 per kilo on the export market to only about 12 cents locally, according to aid workers and residents. "The potato business has been killed and the strawberry business is in the emergency room," said farmers recently in the northern Gaza town of Beit Lahiya. The significant drop in profit means some are working at a loss and many question if they will be able to replant next year. Israel recently allowed out several trucks of strawberries and carnations, but locals say this will hardly be enough. In addition, many goods, such as fertilizers and pesticides, are not making it into Gaza or in such small numbers that their cost is beyond the reach of most farmers. "Unless all terminals are fully opened within the upcoming weeks, both for exports and imports, the agricultural sector in Gaza is facing a major catastrophe," said Santiago Rippoll, a FAO food security analyst.

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This item comes to you via IRIN, the humanitarian news and analysis service of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.

United Nations Office. OCHA Humanitarian Situation on Gaza 1 - 31 Oct. 2007

SUMMARY POINTS

1. Karni crossing, the main crossing for commercial goods, remains closed since 13 June. On 28 October, Israel announced the permanent closure of Sufa crossing. Kerem Shalom is now the only crossing open for the movement of goods into the Gaza Strip, and its limited capacity is likely to result in a further decrease in the import of goods and medicines into Gaza. The continuing closure of Gaza’s borders is leading to a continuing contraction of the local economy, with private sector losses now reaching $60 million in the last four months Source: Paltrade.

2. Rafah crossing, the principle entry/exit point for 1.48 million Gazans from/to the rest of the world, remains closed. Except for a limited number of medical cases, traders and aid workers, Gazans have been unable to leave for nearly five months.

3. The amount of goods entering Gaza has decreased by 71% since before the Karni closure, from an average of 253 truckloads per day in April to an average of 74 in October. Prices of commodities in the Gaza Strip continue to rise due to the limited quantity of imports and the associated decrease in the availability of certain goods.

4. An escalation in IDF activity in the Gaza Strip in the month of October resulted in an increase of conflict-related Palestinian casualties (28 deaths and 70 injuries).

5. The availability of drugs at central drug stores in the Gaza Strip has decreased. The number of drug items with zero stocks has increased in October to 91 drug items compared to 61 items in September. In local Primary Health Care (PHC) clinics, World Health Organization has reported zero stocks of pediatric drugs, including antibiotics and Vitamin A and D supplements, and a shortage of chronic disease drugs.

6. During the month of October, 27 Palestinian patients out of 789 who previously received a permit from Israeli authorities for treatment in Israel and/or the West Bank were denied access at the Erez crossing.

http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/Gaza_Sitrep_2007_11_05.pdf

For more information contact Khulood Badawi 054 44 84 632

United Nations Office for the
Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
Mac House
P.O.Box 38712
Jerusalem
Tel:++ 972-2-5829962/5853
Fax:++972-2-5825841
email:ochaopt@un.org
www.ochaopt.org

Much like Auschwitz

Khaled Amayreh, Al-Ahram Weekly, 25-31.10.07. Israel's regard for Palestinians can be summed up in how it imprisons and terrorises them. The pogrom-like attack in the quiet hours before dawn on the helpless Kitziot prisoners lasted for more than two hours as a huge cloud of smoke hovered over the area. When the dust settled, there were hundreds of prisoners who suffered significant to serious wounds, mostly in the head and upper body. At least nine inmates were severely injured, including Mohamed Sati Al-Ashkar, who was hit with a live round in the head, causing massive brain haemorrhage. On 23 October, Al-Ashkar was pronounced clinically dead. As is usual in such circumstances, the Israeli media and government spokespersons switched to damage-control mode, disseminating disinformation about what happened while barring reporters access to the notorious facility.

Meanwhile, in the Gaza Strip, Israel continues its slow-motion genocide of the occupied territory's estimated 1.5 million persecuted inhabitants. A plasterer, also unemployed because Israel won't allow raw materials, such as cement, into the Strip, insists on more daring language. "I don't know why the world doesn't call things by their real name. Here the Jews are starving us to death. Gaza is a large concentration camp. It is very much like Auschwitz. Yes, there are no gas chambers and crematoria. But people are dying for lack of food and lack of medicine. And I am 100 per cent sure that hadn't it been for the world media and international public opinion, or whatever is left of it, Israel would have disposed of us a long, long time ago," the worker added.

A few weeks ago, Israel declared Gaza a "hostile entity", as if the occupied coastal strip of land where poverty, despair and occupation violence define daily life had been treated as a friendly entity before.

full text

ISRAEL-OPT: Gaza squeezed by steady decline in imports, closure threats

Photo: Mahmoud Daher/IRIN

Palestinian patients waiting at Erez Crossing in order to enter Israel for medical treatment. Due to tight Israeli restrictions, many patients are unable to pass or have great difficulties doing so, limiting their access to needed care

JERUSALEM, 3 October 2007 (IRIN) - The UN has expressed renewed concern over the state of the Gaza Strip's border crossings, saying that, if realised, the Israeli threat of increased restrictions would most likely lead to a humanitarian crisis in the impoverished enclave. "There is an immediate need for better efforts by all sides to increase the flow of supplies to at least basic humanitarian levels and to ensure that the crossings remain open so as many supplies as possible can get in," said Kirstie Campbell of the World Food Programme in the occupied Palestinian territories. "The one and half million people in Gaza need more than what's getting in right now."

"In the last three months, the arrival of 106 truckloads of supplies per working day has ensured that there has not been a humanitarian crisis among the Gazan population. This could not be guaranteed with increased restrictions on the border crossings," a recent statement by UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) said.

These truckloads contained mostly food products and other basic supplies, like soap and nappies.

However, before the mid-June internecine violence which culminated in Hamas seizing full control over the Gaza Strip, some 238 lorries were allowed into Gaza each day. Many of those lorries carried basic supplies, but also raw materials which are now banned.

Overall, some 3,190 trucks made it across during July, which was the highest of the last three months, compared to 5,814 in April.

Furthermore, statistics show a worrying decline recently even in the amount of basic supplies.

More on Gaza

Aid groups, UN protest Israeli sanctions move on Gaza

ISRAEL-OPT: World Bank says donors need long term plan for OPT

Missile from Gaza causes schools to close in Sderot

Weak Palestinian economy having direct humanitarian impact - UN official

Humanitarian aid to the Palestinians - walking the tightrope

Ban on truckloads of paper set to hit Gaza schools

Power shortages threaten sewage treatment

In the first week of July, for example, 774 commercial trucks and 61 trucks belonging to humanitarian organisations made it into Gaza. During the last week of the month 754 commercial and 138 humanitarian trucks got through.

However, the first week of September saw only 531 commercial and 33 humanitarian shipments, while in the last week, until 25 September, just 182 commercial trucks and five humanitarian loads arrived, UN figures showed.

Reasons for reduced flow of goods

Observers say the drop is related to a number of factors, including increased poverty in the Gaza Strip which has affected purchasing power, fewer working hours due to the Muslim holy month of Ramadan, as well as increased closures of the main crossings.

The restrictions are Israeli-imposed either due to the recent and ongoing Jewish holidays or because of mortar attacks on the crossings by Palestinian militants from inside Gaza.

"We can do very little when the crossings are fired on daily," said one Israeli defence establishment official. The concern over mortar attacks was bolstered by specific threats Israeli intelligence gathered regarding planned militant action, he said.

"The noose is tightening around Gaza," a humanitarian aid worker in the enclave told IRIN.

Effect on students, patients

The border crossings also mean an effective ban on travel, except for a few hundred people allowed out. Hundreds of students who study abroad are unable to leave the enclave, for example.

The Israeli High Court recently refused to intervene in the case of Khaled Mudallal, who studies in the UK. He was represented by Gisha, an Israeli human rights group.

Patients who need to travel to Israel or Egypt for medical care, due to the limited capacity of Gaza's health system, are also affected and many have difficulties or cannot receive the care they need.

Photo: Shabtai Gold/IRIN

Cheese being brought into Gaza at the Kerem Shalom Crossing

Dwindling supplies

The decrease in the influx of foodstuffs is taking its toll: the Strip is running low on fresh meat and oil while wheat prices are steadily rising.

The ban on imports of non-essentials, and on exports, means Gaza's business sector is on the brink of collapse, but also affects needed humanitarian supplies, like filters for drinking water and pumps, as well as spare parts for vehicles.

"There is an immediate need for better efforts by all sides to increase the flow of supplies to at least basic humanitarian levels and to ensure that the crossings remain open so as many supplies as possible can get in," said Kirstie Campbell of the World Food Programme in the occupied Palestinian territories.

"The one and half million people in Gaza need more than what's getting in right now."

Major Israeli Bank adds still another Sanction to Gaza

25/09/07. As the world continues to remain silent at the strangulation of the Palestinian nation, still another sanction was just added to the list already in existance. Bank HaPoalim (Bank of the Workers), Israel's biggest bank, just announced they will sever all ties with banks in Gaza.

As Israeli currency is 'still' used in the occupied territories, this move could deepen the already serious economic situation there. Full report from Reuters.

Ben Heine © Cartoons

L'économie gazaouie paralysée par le blocus israélien

Benjamin Barhe, Le Monde, 28/08/07. Des centaines de palettes de bouteilles de boissons gazeuses sont entreposées sous l'immense hangar de l'usine Pepsi Cola, à Jabaliya, dans le nord de la bande de Gaza. En temps normal, ces stocks sont écoulés en quelques heures auprès des épiceries du mince territoire palestinien. Mais depuis deux mois et demi, aucun camion de livraison n'est sorti du hangar, car les bouteilles sont vides. Le blocus de la bande de Gaza imposé par l'armée israélienne à la suite du coup de force du Hamas, le 14 juin, a en effet épuisé les réserves de l'usine en dioxyde de carbone (CO₂). Faute de ce gaz nécessaire à la confection de toute boisson à bulles, les bouteilles n'ont pas pu être remplies.

J'ai le sucre, les étiquettes, les bouteilles, les composants chimiques, les bouchons et les cartons, fulmine Mohamed Yazegi, le patron de cette entreprise familiale, ouverte en 1960. L'armée israélienne sait très bien qu'avec un seul container de CO₂, je pourrais me remettre à travailler pendant deux semaines. Mais parce que les dirigeants israéliens sont décidés à mettre le Hamas à genoux, ils refusent de laisser rentrer mon gaz. J'ai dû licencier 200 de mes employés."

"PUNITION COLLECTIVE"

Le patron de Pepsi Cola n'est pas le seul dans ce cas-là. Du fait de la fermeture du terminal de Karni, l'épine dorsale de l'économie gazaouie par où transitent en temps normal les importations et les exportations palestiniennes, près de 85 % des entreprises ont cessé de fonctionner. Selon l'agence de promotion du commerce Paltrade, 70 000 Palestiniens ont perdu leur emploi, qui faisait vivre plus d'un tiers de million d'habitants.

Soucieux d'éviter les contrecoups médiatiques d'une pénurie alimentaire, le gouvernement israélien laisse passer à intervalles réguliers des convois de nourriture et de produits de première nécessité par le point de passage de Sufa, au sud de Karni. En revanche, toute exportation demeure impossible, de même que l'importation de matières premières et de marchandises à usage industriel.

Le premier ministre israélien, Ehoud Olmert, justifie cette politique par la fuite des forces de sécurité et des employés affectés à Karni, dans la foulée de la victoire militaire du Hamas. En leur absence et compte tenu du fait qu'Israël refuse tout contact avec les islamistes, le terminal, dixit la version officielle, est condamné à rester fermé. Mais selon l'organisation israélienne de défense des droits de l'homme Gisha, l'Etat juif est tenu d'assurer le bien-être de la population de Gaza dans la mesure où le droit international considère toujours qu'il "occupe" ce territoire. "Israël veut atteindre des objectifs politiques, à savoir le renversement du Hamas, en exerçant une pression sur 1,4 million d'hommes, de femmes et d'enfants, explique Sari Bashi, le directeur de Gisha. Il s'agit d'une punition collective, qui viole le droit humanitaire international et contredit les intérêts d'Israël."

L'un des secteurs les plus touchés est le BTP. Privé de gravier et de ciment, tous les chantiers en cours ont été gelés. "Le premier mois, j'ai payé mes ouvriers ; le deuxième, je les ai mis en vacances ; le troisième, je les ai licenciés, explique Rafiq Hassouna, l'entrepreneur numéro un de la bande de Gaza. Il ne me reste qu'une secrétaire et un planton pour me faire le café." Parmi ses contrats arrêtés figurent la rénovation de la route Salaheddin, l'axe principal de la bande de Gaza, ainsi qu'un hôpital pour la réhabilitation des handicapés.

A demi-mot, certains hommes d'affaires palestiniens accusent le président palestinien Mahmoud Abbas d'appuyer le bouclage israélien pour forcer le Hamas à lui rendre le pouvoir. "Il est clair que le Fatah ne fait pas tout ce qu'il peut pour résoudre la crise, dit M. Hassouna. Avec toutes les connexions qu'il a en Israël, Salam Fayad (le premier ministre palestinien) pourrait nous aider davantage."

Une thèse démentie par un conseiller du président Abbas. "Nous ne sommes même pas capables d'obtenir la levée d'un simple check-point en Cisjordanie, dit-il. Comment pourrions-nous obliger Israël à rouvrir la bande de Gaza ?" Pour débloquer la situation, diverses propositions sont à l'étude, destinées à confier le contrôle de Karni côté palestinien à une agence de sécurité privée étrangère.

Pour Mohamed Yazegi, l'urgence n'est pas seulement économique. "Les ouvriers que j'ai licenciés sont des proies faciles pour tous les extrémistes. Le Hamas a déjà proposé à certains d'entre eux de nettoyer les rues pour 100 dollars (73 euros) par mois. Bientôt, à la place d'un balai, il leur donnera un kalachnikov."

Benjamin Barthe

Article paru dans l'édition du 28.08.07.

Israel, PA agree impoverishing Gaza will topple Hamas which thinks to be strengthened

Amira Hass, Haaretz, 29/08/07. There are three different governments in this land, and all three are absolutely sure that Western nations and Arab countries will continue to pay for food packages for the million and a half residents of the Gaza Strip for an unlimited period of time. That is the only explanation for the continued closure of the Karni Crossing, the single transfer point for goods to and from Gaza for the last two and a half months. This is the only way to explain why the three governments - Israel, the Palestinian Authority in Ramallah and Hamas in Gaza - are not taking seriously the solutions proposed by the Palestinian private sector to operate Karni privately with outside help.

It is still possible to transfer food, medicine and a small amount of raw materials through the Sufa and Kerem Shalom crossings. But the vast majority of the raw materials needed to continue production in Gaza and all of the products intended for sale outside of Gaza can only pass through Karni. And when Karni is closed, almost all production shuts down completely.

In the first two months of the closure, according to PalTrade, the Palestine Trade Center, the direct damage to local industry amounted to $8 million in the furniture sector, $15 million in textiles and $3 million in foodstuffs. The losses to agriculture reached $16 million.

The shortage of raw materials has halted 95 percent of all construction, which is valued at $160 million. About 85 percent of all industry is closed down temporarily and 70,000 workers have been laid off.

The three governments are disregarding common sense, reflected in the question asked by Salah Ayash of the Gaza textile industry: "Why should I ask for handouts when I am capable of supporting myself?"

Using economic power to maintain control is nothing new. Since the beginning of the 1990s, the Israeli policy of impoverishment has only become more sophisticated and widespread. It has always been based on the knowledge that the Western world will subsidize it and compensate for the damage the Israeli government causes.

Israeli officials claim that Mahmoud Abbas asked to keep Karni closed. His people, of course, deny this - as expected. Gaza businessmen think this Israeli claim is not true, but still believe that Abbas is not making any effort to open Karni.

In any case, Israel is not waiting for orders from Abbas to open or close crossings. Israel has its own considerations, which converge with those of the government in Ramallah: In Jerusalem and in Ramallah they are convinced that the policy of impoverishment will make the population of Gaza disown Hamas and bring about its fall.

The Israeli government also does not care about the immediate damage caused to numerous Israelis in the private sector from the closure of Karni. For example, textile manufacturers have been dependent on Gaza workshops for decades. They are too unimportant for anyone to listen to them, but they are causing a chain reaction of damage to sewing workshop owners, workers, drivers and small shop owners.

Every day Israeli industry loses $2.2 million from the closure of Karni, according to what Shraga Brosh, the president of the Manufacturers' Association, said two weeks ago.

There is also long-term damage, according to Brosh. The chances of successful economic cooperation with Gaza subcontractors or the sale of Israeli products in Gaza are also in danger. But all this, and the tens of thousands of Israelis hurt by these policies, are small change compared to the political goal of defeating Hamas.

Hamas knows how to lead prayers in the mosques but does not know what economics is, explained one textile workshop owner. But it is probably more accurate to say that the Hamas government is convinced that the policy of impoverishment will actually strengthen its position among most of the Palestinian public, and draw it closer to uncompromising ideological positions and pan-Islamic power centers: Not just because of the many charitable organizations that Hamas established, but also because experience teaches us that people will accuse two other governments: Israel and the Palestinian Authority in Ramallah, which is increasingly considered to be a lackey of the U.S.

A Sort of Peace in Gaza

ANDREW LEE BUTTERS / GAZA CITY, TIME, 30/07/07. On Patrol in Shijaiyah, the toughest neighborhood in Gaza City, Lieut. Naim Ashraf Mushtaha, 31, an officer of the Hamas Executive Force, spots a man in civilian clothes carrying an M-16 assault rifle and walking through the street suqs in broad daylight. His officers quickly encircle the suspect and demand that he identify himself and turn over the weapon. The man turns out to be a member of one of the neighborhood's most powerful clans, and he refuses to give up his gun. "What's my name, boys?" he shouts to the gathering crowd of curious onlookers. "Mohassi Abbas!" they shout back. "See, everyone knows who I am," says the gunman. "I don't care who you are," says Mushtaha calmly, without raising his voice or his weapon. "No one is above the law."

The rule of law has returned to Gaza. Just two months ago, this beachfront slice of sand dunes and concrete jungles, home to about 1.5 million Palestinians, was one of the most dangerous places on earth. In June, after a few days of internecine warfare, Hamas, the Palestinian militant group, took control of Gaza from its rival, Fatah. Since then, Gaza has been under siege. Almost all shipments except for basic humanitarian supplies are barred from entering, and almost nothing comes out. The blockade is part of an Israeli and American strategy to isolate Hamas in the hope that Palestinians will turn away from its Islamist leaders, who have never recognized Israel, and toward Fatah, which is willing to restart the peace process. So far, the plan isn't working. With a free hand to govern as it pleases, Hamas is building popular support and military capability that may well outlast the international blockade.

Security is key to support for Hamas. Within a week of the takeover, crime, drug smuggling, tribal clashes and kidnappings had largely disappeared. According to human-rights groups, the ability of the Executive Force to achieve such a result is an indictment of the corruption and criminal collusion at the top of the Fatah-dominated security services that once controlled Gaza. "For the last year and a half, there has been an orchestrated escalation of chaos by some Banana Republic officers to show that Hamas does not have control of Gaza," said Raji Sourani, director of the Palestinian Center for Human Rights. "Gaza became like Somalia, Afghanistan and Iraq. Thugs and gangsters were ruling, and some were supported and protected by our own security forces."

There have been isolated cases of civil rights abuses by the Executive Force since the takeover. But Hamas hasn't set up Shari'a courts. Without any help from the regular police, prosecutors and judges--all of whom have been barred from returning to work by the Palestinian government--Hamas is slowly trying to train itself in the administration of Palestinian law. Mushtaha and his officers spend most of their time delivering subpoenas and telling the families of wanted men to turn the suspects in. In Gazan neighborhoods, everyone knows everyone else, and there's no place to hide: crooks certainly can't flee to Israel.

With peace on the streets, civil society is returning to Gaza. On Friday night in downtown Gaza City, the streets are clogged with motorcades taking newlyweds and their families to seaside banquet halls. Just one thing is missing: celebratory gunfire. Hamas has banned partying with firearms. But there has been no cultural crackdown since Hamas took over. Gaza has long been more religious and conservative than the rest of Palestinian society--alcohol disappeared from public view here long ago. But secular women who walk the streets of Gaza City without head scarves or veils say they were more likely to be harassed by criminals in the old Gaza than by religious conservatives today. Rumors that Hamas is ordering barbers not to shave beards are just that. I got mine shaved off by Hossein Hussuna, the barber of Hamas leader Ismail Haniya, who told me that most of Haniya's eight sons are clean shaven.

Only if business owners like my barber succeed will normality return to Gaza. Mohammed Telbani owns the largest factory in Gaza, making cookies and ice cream. But he can't get his raw materials and packaging through the Israeli embargo, and he can't send his finished products to the West Bank, where distributors have started buying cookies from Lebanon instead. "I've worked on creating that market for 30 years, and now it's gone," Telbani said. Gaza's beaches may be packed and its streets safe, but its factories are shut, and its stores have almost no customers. The economic damage caused by the siege is immense, with unemployment at around 44%; about 80% of the population receives food aid from U.N. agencies. Nasser el-Helou, a hotel owner and a spokesman for the Chamber of Commerce, said the Gazan economy would collapse within weeks if the siege continues.

Yet Gazan business owners like Telbani and el-Helou--practical, apolitical men--are unanimous in their criticism of Israel rather than Hamas for economic problems. "If we are free, we should control our own borders," said el-Helou. "But we do not, so the full responsibility is on the Israeli side." And business leaders point to a paradox of the embargo; it is destroying the only class of Palestinians who looked favorably on Israel. Most of those in commerce speak Hebrew and have--or used to have--Israeli clients, partners and friends. They had once looked forward to the day when there would be no trade barriers between an independent Palestine and an Israel with which it was at peace. "The majority of Gazans do not like Israel," said Amassi Ghazi, the chairman of a company that imports building materials. "Until now, only the private sector had good relations with Israel. So please open the border before all Gaza will be enemies of Israel."

Some Gazans take being Israel's enemies seriously. At midnight, at what used to be the parade ground for the Palestinian coastal police, a couple of dozen men are practicing small-arms drills. They are in the Izzedine al-Qassam Brigade, the military wing of Hamas, and ready to bolt at a moment's notice if they get a warning that Israeli warplanes are overhead. But since Fatah was driven out of Gaza, said Abu Ahmed, the commander of the unit, there have been fewer collaborators spying on Hamas for Israel, and Israeli strikes have hence dwindled. Qassam Brigade soldiers have been able to operate with relative impunity. Later Abu Ahmed takes me to a Qassam Brigade position a couple of hundred yards from the Erez crossing into Israel. Soon an Israeli surveillance drone starts buzzing overhead, and we leave quickly, back over the sand dunes into Gaza City. On the streets patrolled by Mushtaha and his men, all may seem peaceful. But at night, the war between Hamas and Israel continues.

Gaza a tutto gas: grazie all'inviato di pace Blair finirà agli israeliani tutto il petrolio palestinese

Michele Giorgio. il manifesto. 31/07/07. Quasi pronto l'accordo tra Olmert, Anp e British gas: ad Ashqelon il greggio della Striscia. Tel Aviv pagherà poco e potrà chiudere i rubinetti quando vorrà. Blair che anni fa seguì con attenzione la firma dell'accordo tra Anp e BG, ora non ha mosso un dito per suggerire cambiamenti che consentano ai palestinesi di incassare di più dal gas di Gaza. Presto il governo di Ehud Olmert, la BG e l'esecutivo del premier Salam Fayyad, firmeranno un accordo che di fatto metterà a disposizione di Israele energia a basso costo e, soprattutto, la possibilità di bloccare i fondi palestinesi, così come già fa nel caso delle entrate derivanti da dazi doganali e dall'Iva che raccoglie alle frontiere per conto dell'Anp. La BG infatti indirizzerà il piccolo gasdotto verso Ashqelon e Ashdod, rendendo così Israele l'unico acquirente del gas palestinese. Gaza sarà evitata e con essa il movimento islamico Hamas che la controlla dal 15 giugno. Ed è ovvio che, dovessero esplodere in futuro nuove rivolte palestinesi o incrinarsi i rapporti con Abu Mazen, Israele avrà la facoltà di sospendere subito il pagamento della bolletta del gas ricevuto dai palestinesi. Nel frattempo indiscrezioni di stampa riferiscono che dietro l'accordo si nascondano personaggi dalla fama non proprio limpida, come l'ex consigliere economico della presidenza dell'Anp, Mohammed Rashid (amico dell'ex «uomo forte» di Gaza Mohammed Dahlan) e Yossi Maimanm, un ex agente del Mossad ora a capo della compagnia israeliana che riceverà e distribuirà il gas palestinese.

Tony Blair, in qualità di nuovo inviato del Quartetto per il Medio Oriente (Usa, Russia, Onu e Ue) ha cominciato a lavorare ad un piano «economico di pace», informava un paio di giorni fa il quotidiano Maariv di Tel Aviv. L'ex premier britannico avrebbe in mente un incontro tra 100 uomini d'affari israeliani e palestinesi per dare vita ad una «imprenditoria di pace». Si tratta di un'idea che, dicono, piace al premier israeliano Olmert. Difficile dire quanto al presidente dell'Anp Abu Mazen. Tuttavia è poca cosa e sarebbe stato molto meglio affrontare subito il tema dello sviluppo e della «liberazione» dell'economia palestinese, strangolata dall'occupazione militare. Delle riserve di gas naturale di Gaza, ad esempio. Una ricchezza che potrebbe garantire ad una delle aree palestinesi più povere, diverse centinaia di posti di lavoro e salari per i prossimi anni.
Ma l'inviato del Quartetto ha un'idea ben diversa dello sfruttamento dei giacimenti del gas di Gaza - che vede coinvolta la BG (British Gas) Group - che non va nella direzione di garantire i diritti del popolo in possesso di questa eccezionale risorsa. Blair che anni fa seguì con attenzione la firma dell'accordo tra Anp e BG, ora non ha mosso un dito per suggerire cambiamenti che consentano ai palestinesi di incassare di più dal gas di Gaza. Presto il governo di Ehud Olmert, la BG e l'esecutivo del premier Salam Fayyad, firmeranno un accordo che di fatto metterà a disposizione di Israele energia a basso costo e, soprattutto, la possibilità di bloccare i fondi palestinesi, così come già fa nel caso delle entrate derivanti da dazi doganali e dall'Iva che raccoglie alle frontiere per conto dell'Anp. La BG infatti indirizzerà il piccolo gasdotto verso Ashqelon e Ashdod, rendendo così Israele l'unico acquirente del gas palestinese. Gaza sarà evitata e con essa il movimento islamico Hamas che la controlla dal 15 giugno. Ed è ovvio che, dovessero esplodere in futuro nuove rivolte palestinesi o incrinarsi i rapporti con Abu Mazen, Israele avrà la facoltà di sospendere subito il pagamento della bolletta del gas ricevuto dai palestinesi.
Il giacimento marino di Gaza - quasi 300 miliardi di metri cubi - fu scoperto dalla BG Group all'inizio degli anni 90. Israele scattò subito in piedi e affermò che si estendeva anche alle sue acque regionali e quindi chiese la sua «parte». Gli studi internazionali invece provarono che il giacimento era interamente in acque palestinesi. Un colpo allo stomaco di Tel Aviv che la BG attenuò offrendo di destinare il gas a Israele e in minima parte alla centrale elettrica di Gaza. La BG però rifiutò l'offerta israeliana di 53 centesimi di dollaro per barile di petrolio equivalente - un prezzo minimo se si tiene presente quello che è attualmente il costo del greggio e del gas sul mercato mondiale - e minacciò di vendere il gas agli egiziani. Tony Blair intervenne per bloccare le intenzione della BG e per rimettere tutto «in ordine». Divenuto inviato del Quartetto, Blair non muove un dito per consentire ai palestinesi di trarre maggior beneficio dall'unica risorsa energetica sulla quale possono contare.
Interrotti i colloqui con gli egiziani, lo scorso aprile la BG ha accettato la seconda offerta di Israele: 77 centesimi di dollaro. Lo Stato ebraico importerà 1,6 milioni di metri cubici l'anno per 15 anni del gas palestinese che raggiungerà i depositi israeliani ad Ashdod attraverso un condotto marino.
Per Israele è un accordo eccezionalmente buono. Il gas palestinese soddisferà il 10% del suo fabbisogno energetico ad un prezzo inferiore del 50% di quello che avrebbero dovuto pagare, ad esempio, per il gas del vicino Egitto. Del valore complessivo del gas, 4 miliardi di dollari, l'Anp invece vedrà solo le briciole: secondo alcune stime, appena 100 milioni di dollari l'anno in royalty per la sua quota nel progetto. Soldi che peraltro finiranno in un conto bancario internazionale e non direttamente nelle casse dell'Anp, mentre alcuni esperti palestinesi avevano suggerito la creazione di un fondo di sviluppo per progetti infrastrutturali in Cisgiordania e Gaza.
Nel frattempo indiscrezioni di stampa riferiscono che dietro l'accordo si nascondano personaggi dalla fama non proprio limpida, come l'ex consigliere economico della presidenza dell'Anp, Mohammed Rashid (amico dell'ex «uomo forte» di Gaza Mohammed Dahlan) e Yossi Maimanm, un ex agente del Mossad ora a capo della compagnia israeliana che riceverà e distribuirà il gas palestinese.

The siege on the Gaza Strip

B'Tselem. 26/07/07. Since 12 June 2007, Israel has prohibited almost completely movement through this main artery, or through the other crossings under its control. Reports issued by OCHA and the Palestinian Trade Organization (Paltrade) in cooperation with the World Bank show that exports from Gaza stopped completely, and that, except for the supply of necessities to meet humanitarian and basic food needs (such as flour, sugar, oil, rice, and salt), imports into the Strip also ceased. Gazan industry is based on enterprises ninety-five percent of which rely on the importation of raw materials. Eighty percent of these enterprises need machines and replacement parts, which are imported, to operate. During the siege, raw materials have not entered Gaza, so eighty percent of the enterprises have had to close down operations. The remaining enterprises are operating at sixty-percent capacity. More than 1,300 shipping containers of imported products intended for Gaza are stuck in Israel , forcing importers to pay storage costs and late fees, and bear the heavy loss of expensive perishable goods. In the construction sector, building has stopped, or been delayed, primarily because of the lack of raw materials. The total economic losses during the first month of the siege alone are estimated at 20.6 million dollars. In this period, 3,190 businesses closed temporarily and 65,800 workers, who support 450,000 dependants, lost their job. As each day of siege passes, more business shut down and more Gazans find themselves without a means of livelihood. Media reports indicate that the Israeli authorities and the head of the Palestinian Authority oppose opening the crossing to enable residents to enter Gaza from Egypt , apparently out of fear that Hamas would be strengthened by the uncontrolled entry of thousands of activists. B'Tselem calls on all the relevant parties to reach an arrangement that will bring an end to the suffering of the people trapped on both sides of the crossings. All the parties are obligated to respect the human rights of the residents of Gaza and are forbidden to turn them into hostages in the power struggle being waged among them.

In June 2007, Hamas took over power in the Gaza Strip. Since then, the area has been under siege. Following Hamas's takeover, Israel changed the movement arrangements at the five Gaza border-crossing points under its control (Erez, Karni, Nahal Oz, Sufa, and Kerem Shalom), and, except for exceptional cases, again did not permit movement of people or goods between Israel and Gaza . Karni Crossing, "the lifeblood of the Gaza Strip," through which the great majority of goods enters and leaves Gaza , ceased to operate almost completely. As a result, many branches of commerce have been disrupted and the economic crisis in the Gaza Strip has grown.

Rafah Crossing, the only Gaza crossing that is not run by Israel and the only one that is not under its direct control, has not been open since 9 June 2007 [see below]. Some 6,000 Gazans who were in Egypt at the time it was closed have been unable to return to their homes and are in severe distress. The closing of the crossing also denies Gazans any possibility of going abroad, even for urgent humanitarian purposes, such as medical treatment.

The more the siege continues, the greater the harm to the residents and their ability to meet their basic needs. Therefore, B'Tselem calls on all the parties in charge of managing the crossing points to take immediate action to open the crossings and prevent a humanitarian tragedy.

The economic siege on Gaza and its consequences

The foreign trade of Gaza is conducted almost solely with Israel or via Israeli ports. Israel controls the air space and territorial waters of Gaza, and does not allow Palestinians to build an airport or seaport. Rafah Crossing has a terminal for the crossing of goods. However, even when the terminal is open, goods are not allowed to pass through, this in accordance with the Israeli-Palestinian Agreement on Movement and Access of November 2005 ( AMA). The movement of exports through Rafah Crossing is of secondary importance, at best, given that the vast majority of exports are intended for marketing in Israel . Thus, all the goods entering Gaza and almost all the goods leaving it must move via the crossings between Gaza and Israel .

As mentioned above, almost all the movement of goods to and from Gaza passes through Karni Crossing. Under the Crossings Agreement, Israel undertook, among other things, to enable the orderly and continuous movement of goods though the crossing, and clear goals were set regarding the scope of activity at the crossing. Even before Hamas seized control of the Gaza Strip, Israel did not meet this undertaking. Movement of goods through the crossing was conducted at a pace far too slow to allow for effective foreign trade.

The situation is much worse now. Since 12 June 2007, Israel has prohibited almost completely movement through this main artery, or through the other crossings under its control. Reports issued by OCHA and the Palestinian Trade Organization (Paltrade) in cooperation with the World Bank show that exports from Gaza stopped completely, and that, except for the supply of necessities to meet humanitarian and basic food needs (such as flour, sugar, oil, rice, and salt), imports into the Strip also ceased.

These measures have had a disastrous effect. As described in another report of Paltrade, Gazan industry is based on enterprises ninety-five percent of which rely on the importation of raw materials. Eighty percent of these enterprises need machines and replacement parts, which are imported, to operate. During the siege, raw materials have not entered Gaza , so eighty percent of the enterprises have had to close down operations. The remaining enterprises are operating at sixty-percent capacity. More than 1,300 shipping containers of imported products intended for Gaza are stuck in Israel , forcing importers to pay storage costs and late fees, and bear the heavy loss of expensive perishable goods. In the construction sector, building has stopped, or been delayed, primarily because of the lack of raw materials. The total economic losses during the first month of the siege alone are estimated at 20.6 million dollars. In this period, 3,190 businesses closed temporarily and 65,800 workers, who support 450,000 dependants, lost their job. As each day of siege passes, more business shut down and more Gazans find themselves without a means of livelihood.

Israel argues that the sweeping restrictions are "needed for security and result from the lack of coordination with the Palestinians." It cannot be denied that within Gaza there are indeed entities which pose a threat to the security of citizens of Israel and that the present leadership in the Gaza Strip is responsible for some of these threats. The Israeli authorities have the right and indeed the duty to protect Israeli citizens from these threats. However, in doing so, they are not permitted to ignore the rights and needs of the civilian population of the Gaza Strip. Because it holds effective control of Gaza 's foreign trade, Israel has a legal obligation to ensure that any harm to residents of the Gaza Strip resulting from the restrictions it has placed on movement at the border crossings it controls do not exceed the minimum necessary to realize the legitimate security purpose for which they were instituted. Imposition of the protracted economic siege that forces on Gazans a life of poverty and want is inconsistent with this duty.

Alternatives to the siege should be found that will enable the crossing of goods also in the present circumstances. The security threats in the Gaza Strip are nothing new, and ways have been found to cope with them in the past without completely stopping the movement of goods to and from Gaza . The same must be done now.

Regarding the claim of lack of coordination with the Palestinians, both the Palestinian leadership and the Israeli leadership must find a way to arrange passage through the border crossings and to prevent an economic crisis in Gaza , with all the human suffering such a crisis entails. However, even if the Palestinian leadership fails to meet its obligations on this point, that failure does not permit Israel to leave the civilian population of Gaza in distress, and it must do everything it can to find a solution, such as working through an intermediary, to bring the economic siege to an end.

Closing of Rafah Crossing and its consequences

Given that Gaza has no airport or seaport, and inasmuch as Israel controls all the other crossing points, Rafah Crossing is the only gateway through which Gazans can go abroad, and for this reason the crossing is of such great importance.

In the Crossings Agreement, the two sides agreed that the crossing would be operated by the Palestinian Authority, in cooperation with Egypt and under Israeli supervision by means of video cameras and monitoring of the lists of travelers. To ensure compliance with the agreement, it was agreed that observers on behalf of the European Union would be posted at the crossing. The two sides gave the observers supervisory powers and agreed that the crossing would not be opened unless the observers were present. Since 9 June, the observers have not been present at the crossing, and nobody is allowed to cross. As a result, many Gazans find themselves in great distress.

As noted above, some 6,000 Gazans who had left the Strip and were in Egypt when Hamas took control of the Strip have been unable to return to their homes and unite with their families. Many of them do not have the means to finance their continued stay in Egypt and lack proper housing accommodations, food, and medicines. Some, who were ill, have died while trapped on the other side of the border. An unknown number of Gazans are stuck elsewhere in the world. Residents wanting to leave Gaza for Egypt or elsewhere, including chronic patients and injured persons badly needing medical treatment unavailable in Gaza , remain imprisoned inside the Strip.

The persons and entities controlling the activity at the crossing – the head of the Palestinian Authority, Hamas , Israel , Egypt , and the European Union to some extent – are responsible for this situation and must find a solution to the problem. Media reports indicate that the Israeli authorities and the head of the Palestinian Authority oppose opening the crossing to enable residents to enter Gaza from Egypt , apparently out of fear that Hamas would be strengthened by the uncontrolled entry of thousands of activists. Egypt refuses to open the crossing without Israel 's consent and in the absence of the European observers. A proposal whereby Israel would open the Kerem Shalom crossing to ease the suffering was rejected by the Hamas leadership in the Strip.

OPT: Critical economic situation in Gaza

United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). New York. 16/07/07. Almost no raw materials were imported into Gaza between 3 to 9 July due to continued border closures, halting $370 million worth of construction in the Gaza Strip. Some $93 million of those were United Nations projects – their suspension by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) will leave a number of refugee shelters, schools, community centres, water and sanitation works and medical facilities in disrepair. It will also mean that new schools will not be built, guaranteeing overcrowding in UNWRA's existing classrooms once the school year resumes. “The closures have come at a terrible cost to people. Their humanitarian needs will only get worse if further efforts are not made to open the crossings properly,” said the Emergency Relief Coordinator, John Holmes.

The lay-off of 65,000 workers by Gazan companies, which are curtailing production due to lack of supplies, could affect as many as 450,000 dependents. There is also a fear that companies will relocate to Egypt or other countries, resulting in money flowing rapidly out of the territory and further undermining Gaza's fragile economy. Currently, only 780 firms remain open, or one-fifth of those operating in June 2005. Furniture-makers, textile and garment companies and food industries can afford to employ only 4,200 workers out of the usual 35,000, and the construction industry is supporting a mere 7,000 construction workers out of 42,000.

Some building material was able to pass through the Sufa crossing, including pipes, fittings and other equipment for sewage treatment being conducted by the World Bank and the Coastal Municipality Water Utility in Gaza. However, the utility does not have the money to buy the fuel it needs to run power generators used to operate its wells. The United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) has stepped in to provide 50,000 litres of fuel, in addition to 20,000 litres from the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and 40,000 litres from Oxfam, but as much as 250,000 litres are required in a month.

Power outages – due to the poor capacity of the Gaza power plant, which suffered a bombing in June 2006 – have also become more frequent over the past week and can last as long as 5 hours a day. A transformer is waiting in Egypt, which, if successfully brought in, could supplement the electricity being produced by the plant. At the moment, one turbine has already shut down due to overuse, and another one is likely to do the same if maintenance does not take place. Efforts are now underway to deploy a technical team to Gaza.

The Sufa crossing remains the main entry point for humanitarian supplies entering the Gaza Strip, and is open on weekdays. The Karni crossing, the main commercial crossing point, remains closed but one conveyer belt is operating outside the terminal to transfer some grains and animal feed to Gaza. The Erez crossing was open from 4 July to senior Palestinian traders entering Israel, as well as international agencies and individuals with health referrals in Israel. The Rafah crossing has not been open since 10 June, leaving 6,000 Palestinians stranded in Egyptian cities and an additional 400 to 700 stuck at the border itself. A United Nations assessment has determined that no immediate humanitarian assistance is needed, but it is clear that stranded Palestinians will run out of money in the coming weeks.

For further information, please call: Stephanie Bunker, OCHA-New York, +1 917 367 5126, mobile +1 917 892 1679; Dizery Salim, OCHA-New York, +1 917 367 9262; Elisabeth Byrs, OCHA-Geneva, +41 22 917 2653, mobile, +41 79 473 4570. OCHA press releases are available at http://ochaonline.un.org or www.reliefweb.int.

http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/RWB.NSF/db900SID/YSAR-756SNR?OpenDocument