Visualizzazione post con etichetta Bush Middle East peace process. Mostra tutti i post
Visualizzazione post con etichetta Bush Middle East peace process. Mostra tutti i post

venerdì 19 ottobre 2007

Forze politiche della sinistra palestinese: come fare della conferenza di Bush un successo

Il livello di serietà di qualunque sforzo Internazionale per risolvere il conflitto si traduce nell'impegno di spingere Israele a cessare le sue pratiche di aggressione contro il nostro popolo e di smettere di imporre il de facto unilaterale sul campo. Ciò comprende: mettere fine all'occupazione, bloccare la costruzione del muro dell'apartheid e smantellarne la parte già esistente , metter fine alle incursioni, alle uccisioni e agli arresti, smantellare i posti di blocco, rilasciare i prigionieri politici, annullare l'ordine prepotente di considerare Gaza come entità nemica e di mettere fine all'embargo. Noi firmatari, ribadiamo l'invito a Hamas a tornare sui suoi passi del colpo militare e violazione della democrazia e chiediamo che ponga fine all'anomala separatista a Gaza e di tornare sotto il quadro legittimo.

Le forze invitano anche a rimuovere tutti gli ostacoli che si oppongono ad un dialogo nazionale completo che conduca ad una soluzione pacifica e democratica alla crisi interna sulla base del documento d'accordo nazionale e della dichiarazione del Cairo.

Come prevenzione per i possibili rischi c'e bisogno di una partecipazione collettiva per amministrare il processo dei negoziati , con la partecipazione attiva di tutte le forze palestinesi interessate e con il completo svolgimento del ruolo dell'esecutivo dell'OLP di leadership nell' orientare la mobilizzazione politica e designare le sue strategie.


Fronte Popolare per la Liberazione della Palestina

Fronte Democratico per la Liberazione della Palestina

Unione Democratica Palestinese FIDA

Partito del Popolo Palestinese

Iniziativa Nazionale Palestinese - Al Mubadara

Annapolis: un'opportunità unica per porre fine all'occupazione e risolvere il conflitto arabo-israeliano

Ottobre 2007. La Commissione internazionale di donne per una pace giusta e sostenibile tra Israele e Palestina (IWC- International Women's Commission for a Just and Sustainable Palestinian-Israeli Peace) riconosce che la conferenza di Annapolis sponsorizzata dagli Stati Uniti e prevista per il prossimo novembre potrebbe fornire un'opportunità unica per porre fine all'occupazione e risolvere il conflitto arabo-israeliano. Il solo modo per raggiungere la sicurezza umana e il diritto di vivere con dignità è la fine dell'occupazione attraverso un accordo negoziato su tutti i restanti e permanenti temi dell'accordo. Preoccupa, tuttavia, che se questo incontro non verrà usato per lanciare negoziati definitivi su tutti i temi rilevanti all'interno di un chiaro quadro temporale, allora non avrà successo. Un fallimento avrà dei risultati disastrosi per entrambe le popolazioni e per l'intera regione. L'IWC considera l'adozione di un nuovo approccio, inclusivo e consultivo, che sostituisca quello fallimentare dominato dagli uomini guidati da prospettive militari, come un imperativo in questo momento cruciale per raggiungere la nostra visione comune di un'esistenza dignitosa e libera dalla paura e dai bisogni.

venerdì 12 ottobre 2007

Annapolis Conference: 'Failure Risks Devastating Consequences. A genuine dialogue with Hamas preferable to its isolation'

Excerpts from a letter just released to President George W. Bush and Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice as part of an effort supported by the U.S./Middle East Project, Inc., the International Crisis Group, and the New America Foundation/American Strategy Program. The letter is signed by Zbigniew Brzezinski, Lee H. Hamilton, Carla Hills , Nancy Kassebaum-Baker, Thomas R. Pickering, Brent Scowcroft, Theodore C. Sorensen and Paul Volcker.

The international conference should deal with the substance of a permanent peace: Because a comprehensive peace accord is unattainable by November, the conference should focus on the endgame and endorse the contours of a permanent peace, which in turn should be enshrined in a Security Council resolution. Israeli and Palestinian leaders should strive to reach such an agreement. If they cannot, the Quartet (US, EU, Russia and UN Secretary General)—under whose aegis the conference ought to be held— should put forward its own outline, based on UN Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338, the Clinton parameters of 2000, the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative and the 2003 Roadmap. It should reflect the following:

• Two states, based on the lines of June 4, 1967, with minor, reciprocal, and agreed-upon modifications as expressed in a 1:1 land swap;

• Jerusalem as home to two capitals, with Jewish neighborhoods falling under Israeli sovereignty and Arab neighborhoods under Palestinian sovereignty;

• Special arrangements for the Old City, providing each side control of its respective holy places and unimpeded access by each community to them;

• A solution to the refugee problem that is consistent with the two-state solution, addresses the Palestinian refugees’ deep sense of injustice as well as provides them with meaningful financial compensation and resettlement assistance;

• Security mechanisms that address Israeli concerns while respecting Palestinian sovereignty.

The international conference should be inclusive:

• In order to enhance Israel’s confidence in the process, Arab states that currently do not enjoy diplomatic relations with Israel should attend the conference.

• We commend the administration for its decision to invite Syria to the conference; it should be followed by genuine engagement.

A breakthrough on this track could profoundly alter the regional landscape. At a minimum, the conference should launch Israeli-Syrian talks under international auspices.

• As to Hamas, we believe that a genuine dialogue with the organization is far preferable to its isolation; it could be conducted, for example, by the UN and Quartet Middle East envoys.

Promoting a cease-fire between Israel and Gaza would be a good starting point.

Zbigniew Brzezinski, former National Security Adviser to President Jimmy Carter
Lee H. Hamilton, former Congressman and Co-chair of the Iraq Study Group
Carla Hills, former U.S. Trade Representative under President George H.W. Bush
Nancy Kassebaum-Baker, former Senator
Thomas R. Pickering, former Under-Secretary of State
Brent Scowcroft, former National Security Advisor to President Gerald Ford and President George H.W. Bush
Theodore C. Sorensen, former Special Counsel and Adviser to President John F. Kennedy
Paul Volcker, former Chairman of the Board of Governors of the U.S. Federal Reserve System

martedì 31 luglio 2007

After Bush's Speech, Tony Blair Would Be Well Advised To Stay Home

Henry Siegman. Al-Hayat. 30/07/07. To read President Bush's speech of July 16 in which he sought to inject new life into the Middle East peace process is to understand why his policies in Iraq have been such an unmitigated catastrophe. In the Israel-Palestine conflict as in Iraq, he is completely out of touch with the most fundamental realities on the ground.

President Bush: "In Gaza, Hamas radicals betrayed the Palestinian people with a lawless and violent takeover."

The facts: The Palestinian people were betrayed not by Hamas, whom they elected to run their government in the first truly democratic elections in the Arab world, but by Bush and Prime Minister Ehud Olmert who, with a typically colonial mindset, planned to overthrow the Palestinian people's democratic choice by financing and arming Fatah, the party that lost the elections.

President Bush: "Hamas has demonstrated beyond all doubt that it is more devoted to extremism and murder than to serving the Palestinian people."

The facts: The Palestinian people elected Hamas, overwhelmingly, because the organization "demonstrated beyond all doubt" its devotion to the Palestinian people through a network of social institutions - educational, medical and economic - which the dominant Fatah party was unable to match. Indeed, the Palestinian public was convinced that a corrupt Fatah leadership was simply using the peace process to enrich itself.

The savageries committed by Hamas merit unqualified condemnation. What they do not merit are the hypocrisies of Bush and Olmert. Did Bush and Olmert imagine that Mohammed Dahlan and the militias under his control, whom the U.S. and Israel were training and arming, would have treated Hamas militants any more gently than Hamas treated Dahlan's people had they succeeded in mounting their putsch?

President Bush: "We are strengthening our political and diplomatic commitments. Again today, President Abbas and Prime Minister Olmert sat down together to discuss priorities and resolve issues…[Secretary Rice] has worked with both sides to sketch out a 'political horizon' for a Palestinian state."

The facts: Olmert has rejected every effort by Secretary Rice to get him to discuss with Abbas any of the elements that might define a political horizon - i.e. borders, settlements, Jerusalem, refugees. Bush has consistently failed to back up Rice's efforts. In his speech, he suggested to Olmert that he finally define Israel's position regarding borders. The very next day, Olmert's spokesperson publicly told Bush, in effect, don't even think about it.

President Bush: "The Palestinian government must arrest terrorists, dismantle their infrastructure and confiscate illegal weapons - as the road map requires."

The facts: The road map also requires that Israel not only halt the expansion of settlements but dismantle them. Furthermore, it explicitly obliges each side to implement its obligations, within each of the three phases of the process that it established, without regard to the pace of implementation of the other. Thus, Palestinians cannot delay measures to end violence until Israel stops settlement-building, and Israel cannot delay ending the expansion of settlements by demanding that Palestinians first complete their efforts to end all violence. While Bush and Israel have advocated and imposed draconian sanctions for Palestinian violations, they have failed to do the same for Israeli violations. Bush has also prevented Security Council attempts to deal with the parties in a more balanced way.

President Bush: "[By supporting Hamas], the Palestinian people would surrender their future to Hamas' foreign sponsors in Syria and Iran."

The facts: Hamas is not a natural ally of either Iran or Syria; Iran is Shiite and Syria advocates a secular Arab nationalism that is anathema to Islamists. Bashar Assad's father slaughtered thousands of members of the Islamic Brotherhood in the city of Hama for their opposition to his government. Hamas has never expressed support for violence directed against U.S. and Western interests by Iran and Syria, or Al Qaeda for that matter. Hamas has turned to Iran and Syria for financial support in reaction to Israel and Bush's efforts to strangle it.

The one potentially hopeful element in Bush's speech was his statement that negotiations must lead to a "territorial settlement with mutually agreed borders reflecting previous lines and current realities, and mutually agreed adjustments." Optimists read this passage as U.S. endorsement of the principle enshrined in previous resolutions and in the road map that no territorial changes can be made unilaterally by Israel without Palestinian agreement. Unfortunately, while Bush is painfully precise when it comes to spelling out conditions that Palestinians must meet to get their state, he remains painfully imprecise when dealing with Israel's obligation to return to the pre-1967 border.

The distortions and misinformation in the president's speech aside, this latest initiative has no chance of advancing the peace process. For all of his gestures to Abbas, Olmert has not the slightest intention of getting "trapped" in a peace process that might oblige Israel to dismantle a significant part of its settlement enterprise. As in the past, he will not find himself at a loss for pretexts to postpone the beginning of negotiations.
More importantly, there is not the slightest chance that a peace process from which Hamas is excluded will get anywhere.

President Bush's proposal for an international conference in the fall has all the earmarks of a last minute, half-baked idea that no one at the White House or the Department of State thought through. Clearly, none of the "neighbors" Bush plans to invite to this conference were consulted in advance. And if, as Bush said, only those who recognize Israel's right to exist and accept all previous agreements will be invited, then not only most of Israel's neighbors but Israel itself would not qualify. Having exhorted Israel in his speech - however gently - for the umpteenth time to stop expanding settlements and to dismantle "illegal" outposts, Bush should know that Israel is in flagrant violation of virtually all previous agreements and UN resolutions.

If, as Bush apparently expects, his speech will in fact define Tony Blair's mandate as the Quartet's emissary, the former prime minister would be well advised to stay home.