Les photos de la vie heureuse des tortionnaires d'Auschwitz

REUTERS/

U.S. HOLOCAUST MEMORIAL MUSEUM

L'un des 116 clichés extraits de l'album privé d'un adjudant du commandant du camp d'Auschwitz et rendus publics, le 20 septembre 2007, par le Mémorial de l'Holocauste, à Washington.

Cécile Colla, Le Monde, 25/09/07. Les images semblent être tout droit sorties d'un album de vacances : on y voit un groupe de femmes assises sur une balustrade en bois en train de déguster des myrtilles, des hommes et des femmes allongés sur des chaises longues, d'autres en train de chanter et de rire accompagnés par un accordéon.

Ces photographies, qui témoignent pour la première fois du mode de vie des responsables et des personnels du camp d'Auschwitz, ont été rendues publiques jeudi 20 septembre par le Mémorial de l'Holocauste à Washington. Les 116 clichés sont tirés de l'album privé de Karl-Friedrich Höcker, adjudant du commandant du camp de concentration d'Auschwitz de mai 1944 à janvier 1945. Ils ont été remis au Mémorial en début d'année par un ancien membre des services de renseignement militaire américains mort au cours de l'été. L'officier, dont l'identité n'a pas été révélée, les aurait trouvés dans un appartement vide de Francfort en 1946.

Ces images, qui ont fait la "une" du quotidien populaire allemand Bild, confirment les témoignages des survivants d'Auschwitz. Alors que des centaines de milliers de juifs étaient envoyés dans les chambres à gaz, le personnel administratif du camp menait en parallèle une paisible existence. Dans le lotissement SS, à côté, il y avait une piscine, un stade de football et une bibliothèque. Les SS disposaient d'une sorte de maison de vacances située à 30 kilomètres au sud.

De nombreuses photos de l'album y ont été prises. D'autres clichés se rapportent à des activités plus officielles : l'inauguration d'un hôpital SS, des séances de tir ou une marche militaire. Jamais un détenu n'apparaît sur ces photos. Lors de son procès en 1962, Karl-Friedrich Höcker, qui sera condamné à sept ans de prison, s'était retranché derrière son devoir. Il est mort en 2000 à 88 ans.

Autre découverte d'importance, le funeste docteur Josef Mengele, dont il existe très peu de photographies, apparaît sur huit clichés. Ce médecin nazi surnommé "l'ange de la mort" qui pratiquait des expériences médicales sur les détenus, est mort en Amérique latine en 1979.

Les photos de Karl-Friedrich Höcker contrastent avec les rares autres images existantes du camp d'Auschwitz avant sa libération. Le mémorial Yad Vashem, en Israël, possède plusieurs photos prises par un officier SS le 26 mai 1944 sur l'arrivée de juifs en provenance de Hongrie, la sélection, la marche en direction des chambres à gaz et l'activité des fours crématoires.

La découverte tardive de ces photos, peu commentée outre-Rhin en dehors de Bild, y suscite quelques interrogations. "Les services secrets américains voulaient-ils protéger certains criminels ? Ou bien le rapport avec l'album n'est qu'un exemple supplémentaire pour le désintérêt croissant avec lequel les Alliés ont poursuivi les criminels nazis", souligne l'hebdomadaire Der Spiegel dans son édition de lundi 24 septembre.

Cécile Calla

Israel on path to becoming a pariah state

Carlo Strenger strenger@freud.tau.ac.il, Haaretz, 25/09/07. Many of us believe that Israel's moral fiber has been fatally harmed by the occupation and by the two Lebanon wars. The result is that both morally and strategically, the continued occupation and subjugation of the Palestinian people has put us on the wrong side of history. Israel's way of dealing with the Palestinians and Lebanon in the last few decades has led to a long-term process in which the Western world is beginning to see Israel as a pariah state that has no true affinity to Western values. Hence, it is not on the 'right' side of the clash of civilizations, as was reflected in the French ambassador to Britain calling Israel "that shitty little country" not long ago.

Behaving in a manner befitting the standards of the Western world is far more important for Israel's long-term survival than gaining a few square miles here and there, by building the security wall through Palestinian territories, tearing apart villages, homes and schools, and expanding settlements. Every such act is not just a moral outrage; it pushes Israel one step closer to being disqualified from belonging to the West.

The writer is professor of Psychology at Tel Aviv University, and a member of the Permanent Monitoring Panel on Terrorism of the World Federation of Scientists.

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Palestinian Security Uses Force to Disperse Peaceful Women’s Rally

Press Release, 23/09/07. PCHR strongly condemns the use of force by Palestinian security forces to disperse a peaceful march organized by dozens wives of political prisoners and female Hamas activists yesterday in Ramallah. The Centre affirms that this is a clear violation of the right to peaceful assembly that is constitutionally protected and guaranteed.

The Center’s preliminary investigation indicates that at after noon prayers on Saturday, 22 September 2007, a women’s demonstration composed of tens of wives of political prisoners and female Hamas activists issued from Jamal Abdel Naser Mosque and headed towards El-Manara Square in the center of Ramallah. When the demonstration came close to the square, tens of male and female Palestinian police intercepted the demonstration and formed a human chain in front of the demonstrators. When the demonstrators attempted to move forward, they were pushed back; and the police fired tear gas to disperse them.

Mona Mansour, PLC member from the Change and Reform List, participated in the demonstration. She informed PCHR’s fieldworker that she was dizzy and ill as a result of the tear gas. After returning to her hometown of Nablus, she went to El-Rahma clinic for treatment. She stated that, since mid-June, the security forces have detained approximately 850 people suspected of affiliation with Hamas. About 150 of them remain in custody.

Over the past 3 days, Palestinian security forces have detained 13 Hamas supporters. On 20 September 2007, Palestinian security forces detained Ghassan El-Tanbour (Nablus), Mahmoud Darwish El-Meseimi (Askar refugee camp), Naser Abd El-Latif Dabous (Beit Ebba), Ahmad Salatna (Jenin), Yusef Abu Ras (Hebron), Noah Abd El-Aziz El-Harish (Beitunia), and Hussein Suwwan (Ammatin). And on 21 September, Palestinian security detained Fayyad El-Aghbar (Nablus), Husam El-Qataluni (Nablus), Khaled Ata (Ein Beit El-Ma’ refugee camp), Mohammad Yasir Abu El-Rob (Maseela), Mohammad Yusef Abu El-Rob (Maseela), and Yasir Adeeb Abu El-Rob (Maseela).

In light of these developments, PCHR:

- Strongly condemns the forceful dispersing of the women’s demonstration, including the firing of tear gas and other forms of inhumane treatment.

- Affirm’s people’s full and legitimate right to hold public assemblies and organize demonstrations and peaceful marches as means of protest and expression that are protected by the law and international human rights standards.

- Calls upon the government in Ramallah to immediately investigate these attacks, prosecute the perpetrators, and to take the necessary steps to prevent their recurrence.

- Expresses deep concern over the continued campaign of arrests against Hamas supporters in the West Bank; and calls for stopping this campaign and for respecting the law relevant to arrest and detention operations.

Peace groups challenge gov't separation of Israelis, Palestinians

Amira Hass, Haaretz, 25/09/07. Because of this separation, the Palestinians know only settlers and soldiers - in other words, only those whose conduct and roles in the system justify the Palestinians' conclusion that it is impossible to reach a just agreement and peace with Israel. This separation also reinforces Israelis' racist - or at best, patronizing - attitudes toward the Palestinians.

The anarchists, Machsom Watch, Yesh Din, Rabbis for Human Rights, the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions, Physicians for Human Rights and other activist groups - few as their members may be - disrupt the separation policy and its ills. They remind the Palestinians that there are other Israelis, so perhaps there is still hope. And in their immediate environment, they expose Israelis to facts and experiences that make it difficult for them to keep wallowing in their voluntary ignorance and disregarding the dangers that our oppressive regime poses over the Palestinians.

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Hamas su rilascio 90 prigionieri, Israele si limita a far ruotare una porta girevole

la Repubblica, 25/09/07. Hamas ha criticato aspramente la decisione del governo israeliano di disporre la scarcerazione di una novantina di altri detenuti palestinesi, dopo gli oltre duecentocinquanta liberati lo scorso luglio, negando che si sia trattato di un "gesto di buona volonta'", come ribadito invece dai collaboratori del premier dello Stato ebraico, Ehud Olmert. "Israele si limita a far ruotare una porta girevole, arrestando e liberando prigionieri a proprio piacimento", ha tagliato corto un portavoce del gruppo radicale, Fawzi Barhoum. "Questo e' inaccettabile per il nostro popolo", ha incalzato Barhoum. "Hamas festeggia il rilascio di qualsiasi palestinese recluso, giacche' cio' pone fine alle sue sofferenze, ma allo stesso tempo vuole che siano rimessi in liberta' anche tutti gli altri. L'unico linguaggio che le forze di occupazione comprendono e' quello della forza", ha proseguito il portavoce integralista, "e dunque noi riteniamo che soltanto la forza obblighera' Israele a rilasciare ulteriori detenuti".

Una sola ideologia: fare della Palestina uno stato ebraico con una presenza il più possibile ridotta di palestinesi

Ilan Pappe, Seconda conferenza annuale a Bil’in, medioriente.net., uruknet.info, 18/09/07. Il nostro punto di partenza, sia che si viva sotto occupazione, sia che si viva in esilio, sia che si viva in Israele o che si viva in qualsiasi luogo del mondo e si abbia a cuore la Palestina, il nostro punto di partenza è che questo paese è già un paese con uno stato unico governato da un regime che ubbidisce a una ideologia che non concede ai palestinesi nessuna parte di questa terra sia che essi siano in esilio, sia che vivano a Bil’in, sia che vivano a Nazareth.

Da questo punto di vista noi siamo tutti sotto il dominio di un regime ideologico che lotta per imporre il dominio ebraico su tutto il territorio della Palestina, ed è disposto, almeno per il tempo presente, ad accontentarsi di differenti tattiche e mezzi di occupazione e di controllo del territorio. Ma la strategia è la stessa e l’ideologia è la stessa e quello che noi dovemmo attaccare, affrontare è l’infrastruttura ideologica dello stato ebraico, la struttura ideologica del sionismo. Questa è la origine di tutte le scelte politiche: la politica del 1948 che portò alla pulizia etnica di tre quarti dei palestinesi; questa è l’ideologia che ha prodotto le politiche dal 1967 fino a oggi ; e questa è l’ideologia che guiderà in futuro le politiche contro il popolo che vive al di là del muro, contro il popolo che vive nell’ area della grande Gerusalemme e anche contro i palestinesi che oggi sono cittadini della Stato di Israele, perché, come i più recenti indizi suggeriscono, qualche cosa di veramente importante sta cambiando nella politica verso questa minoranza, mentre noi parliamo.

E questa ideologia è molto chiara e, infatti, a differenza di molti anni fa, l’elite politica ufficiale israeliana ora parla in modo esplicito di questa ideologia. L’elite politica israeliana è stanca di barcamenarsi fra il gioco della democrazia e l’attuale politica di espropriazione etnica e razzista. Qualche cosa è accaduto nell’ultimo anno. Hanno rinunciato all’inerzia; hanno rinunciato alla abilità di barcamenarsi e di apparire in tutto il mondo come se vi fosse un dibattito reale in Israele fra impulsi democratici e una pulsione etnica e razzista. Questo è ciò che realmente sta sul tavolo. Non vi è alcuna necessità di una de-costruzione sofisticata per comprendere che a questo punto l’elite politica israeliana non sta più giocando una partita democratica. Essa sta realizzando gli ultimi capitoli della sua ideologia: fare della Palestina uno stato ebraico con una presenza il più possibile ridotta di palestinesi.

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Leading Israeli authors, intellectuals call for truce with Hamas

Shiri Lev Ari and Mazal Mualem, Haaretz Correspondent, 24/09/07. "The appropriate course of action is to negotiate with Hamas to reach a general cease-fire to prevent further suffering for both sides." A long list of prominent intellectuals recently signed a petition calling for Prime Minister Ehud Olmert to negotiate a cease-fire with Hamas.

The signatories of the petition - which was organized by the sponsors of the Geneva Initiative and will be published today - include the novelists Amos Oz, A.B. Yehoshua, David Grossman, Meir Shalev, Judith Katzir, Eli Amir, Savyon Liebrecht, Yehoshua Sobol and Dorit Rabinyan.

The petition, titled "Agreement with [Palestinian Authority Chairman Mahmoud] Abbas, cease-fire with Hamas," reads: "Israel has in the past negotiated with its worst enemies ... Now, the appropriate course of action is to negotiate with Hamas to reach a general cease-fire to prevent further suffering for both sides."

"We believe Israel is facing an opportunity to promote the peace process ahead of the regional peace summit planned for November," the document continued. "We urge the prime minister to strive to reach tangible agreements with the leadership of the Palestinian Authority and not miss this opportunity."

Asked what impact he believes the petition will have, A.B. Yehoshua said: "Only reality will show how significant this petition will be."

President Bush reaffirms his two-state vision

Rami Almeghari , IMEMC & Agencies, 25/09/07. President Gorge. W. Bush reiterated Monday his two-state vision for the resolution of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. “ I appreciate the fact that you are fighting the extremists who oppose peace” , Bush told Abbas. Meanwhile, President Abbas expressed an optimistic tone regarding the upcoming peace conference. “The meeting should be the precursor to full negotiations on the permanent status, we have faith and trust," Abbas said.

President Bush, right, President Abbas, left, during their meeting Monday

Bush’s remarks came during a joint press briefing with Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas following a one-hour-long meeting on the sideline of United Nations General Assembly’s annual session in New York.

Bush told reporters “I believe that the two-state solution is workable”.

The U.S president did not refer to the Washington-sponsored conference on Middle East peace, scheduled for this November.

“ I appreciate the fact that you are fighting the extremists who oppose peace” , Bush told Abbas.

Meanwhile, President Abbas expressed an optimistic tone regarding the upcoming peace conference. “The meeting should be the precursor to full negotiations on the permanent status, we have faith and trust," Abbas said.

Also, a separate meeting involving President Bush, President Abbas and Palestinian Prime Mistier, Salam Fayyad, was held yesterday.

Preparations for the likely conference, such as a specific agenda and number or identities of invitees, have not been made public yet

Puppet leader

Gideon Levy, Haaretz, 23/09/07. Mahmoud Abbas has to stay home. As things stand right now, he must not go to Washington. If Abu Mazen were a genuine national leader instead of a petty retailer, he would refuse to participate in the summit and any other meetings until the blockade of Gaza is lifted. Palestinians live in Gaza, too - an area controlled by Hamas, which Abu Mazen so loathes: He cannot continue to ignore the inhumane conditions in which Gazans live, caged in by Israel. The least one could expect from the person with the lofty title of "President of the Palestinian Authority" is to strive for the greater good of all his people, especially in light of the extent of their distress. If he were a man of truly historic stature he would add that no conference can be held without Ismail Haniyeh, another crucial Palestinian representative. And if Israel really wanted peace, not only an "agreement of principles" with a puppet-leader that will lead nowhere, it should respect Abbas' demand. Israel should aspire for Abu Mazen to be considered a leader in the eyes of his people, not only a marionette whose strings are pulled by Israel and the United States, or affected by other short-term power plays.

Mahmoud Abbas has to stay home. As things stand right now, he must not go to Washington. Even his meetings with Ehud Olmert are gradually turning into a disgrace and have become a humiliation for his people. Nothing good will come of them. It has become impossible to bear the spectacle of the Palestinian leader's jolly visits in Jerusalem, bussing the cheek of the wife of the very prime minister who is meanwhile threatening to blockade a million and a half of his people, condemning them to darkness and hunger.

If Abu Mazen were a genuine national leader instead of a petty retailer, he would refuse to participate in the summit and any other meetings until the blockade of Gaza is lifted. If he were a man of truly historic stature he would add that no conference can be held without Ismail Haniyeh, another crucial Palestinian representative. And if Israel really wanted peace, not only an "agreement of principles" with a puppet-leader that will lead nowhere, it should respect Abbas' demand. Israel should aspire for Abu Mazen to be considered a leader in the eyes of his people, not only a marionette whose strings are pulled by Israel and the United States, or affected by other short-term power plays.

Right now power rests with the powerless Abu Mazen. Since Washington - and perhaps Jerusalem as well - badly want the photo-op otherwise known as a "peace summit" to show off an "achievement," Abu Mazen could and should threaten to boycott the meeting to try and force some achievement on behalf of his people. Palestinians live in Gaza, too - an area controlled by Hamas, which Abu Mazen so loathes: He cannot continue to ignore the inhumane conditions in which Gazans live, caged in by Israel.

But the impression Abu Mazen makes is that he's no more than a political survivor. He's participating in the American-Israeli masked ball not because of naivete or weakness - for him, Gaza is just as "hostile territory" as Israel is. Therefore, he shares a shameful common interest with Israel, which will do neither side any good. Judging by his behavior Abu Mazen not only doesn't object to what Israel is doing in Gaza, he may even agree with the twisted doctrine arguing that cruel pressure will subdue Hamas and return the people to Fatah's embrace. In so doing, Abu Mazen proves that he's no "downy chick," as Ariel Sharon once put it, but a cynical rooster who cares little for the welfare of his people.

A genuine peace conference should involve all the hawks. Peace is forged between bitter enemies. The question of whether Saudi Arabia will take part in the summit or not is futile unless it includes real Palestinian representation. At most Abu Mazen represents only half of his people and could achieve, at best, half an agreement that wouldn't survive anyhow, given Hamas' strong opposition. It is in the interests of all the parties involved, including Abu Mazen, to drag Hamas to the negotiation table. A peace conference without Hamas and without Syria is a joke. But the short-sighted coalition of the royal triumvirate, Jerusalem-Washington-Ramallah, is trying to promote a false vision of "peace talks" without the decisive partners, while the world is busy applauding this illusion.

Obviously, it is hard to expect from Abu Mazen that he will rise above his narrow interests and call for an invitation to be issued to Hamas, the party that was democratically elected to lead the Palestinian government. But the least one could expect from the person with the lofty title of "President of the Palestinian Authority" is to strive for the greater good of all his people, especially in light of the extent of their distress. But instead of acting to bring about a cessation of hostilities and opening Gaza to the world, the triumvirate is busy formulating yet another position paper that won't be worth the paper it's written on and that will soon find itself in the garbage bin of history, along with its predecessors. It will only serve to impose increasingly cruel hardships on the people of Gaza. Abu Mazen must not participate in this farce.

Laws and human rights violations by members of the Executive Force and Izzedeen El-Qassam Battalions.

PCHR
Palestinian Centre for Human Rights

His Excellency Ismail Haniya
Prime Minister
Dismissed Palestinian Government
13 September 2007

Subject: Concern over some violations by members of the Executive Force and Izzedeen El-Qassam Battalions.

The Palestinian Centre for Human Rights sends you its warmest greetings, and highly values your continuous efforts to manage the Gaza Strip despite the difficult circumstances and the deep political crisis storming the Palestinian Authority and threatening to destroy the national struggle.
The split in the Executive authority has resulted in a split in the Legislative authority and paralysis in the judicial authority.
We preferred sending you this legal document out of appreciation for your previously expressed
position and commitment to respect and protect human rights. And in the spirit of candidness and preserving public interests, and stemming from our work as an independent professional
organization dedicated to protecting human rights and promoting rule of law, we hereby present
you with a number of violations that have been repeated by members of the Executive Force and Izzedeen El-Qassam Battalions. And we are certain that you will not preserve any effort to remedy these violations, and will take the necessary steps to put an end to them and hold those responsible accountable to their deeds.
I- Violations of freedom of expression and journalism rights:
The Clashes in June witnessed many attacks by both sides of the conflict (Fatah, Hamas, their
military branches and affiliated security services) on media outlets in the Gaza Strip and West
Bank. Despite the severity of these attacks, we had hoped for a new chapter in the Gaza Strip after the end of military operations between both sides. We had hoped that your statements and
directives to protect freedom of expression and journalism rights would be translated on the
ground.
However, we are greatly concerned in this regard due to the negative conduct by responsible
parties. The latest attack targeted at least 14 journalists on 7 September 2007 as they were
overing the attacks of the Executive Force on civilians who attempted to conduct prayers in
public areas. Prior to this date, the Executive Force perpetrated similar attacks on 25 August 2007 on a number of journalists covering a Fatah demonstration in Gaza.
The Centre also documented other attacks including: attack on journalists and the Arabiya Satellite Station office in Gaza on 13 August 2007; continued ban on Palestinian TV broadcast from Gaza, and the prevention of broadcasting one of its programs from Ramattan Studios on 1 August 2007.
Obstructing the entry of newspapers issued in the West Bank and detaining their distributors on 30 July 2007; the attack on 3 journalists covering a demonstration by national parties in Khan Yunis on 12 July 2007 and forcing them to erase photos and photage prior to their release.
PCHR stresses the importance of redoubling efforts and giving clear instructions to the Executive Force to respect and protect freedom of expression and journalism rights, which are basic human rights that are protected by the Palestinian Basic Law.
II- Violations against participants in prayers in public areas:
For the third consecutive week, PCHR has documented attacks by the Executive Force and
occasionally Izzedeen El-Qassam Battalions on dozens of civilians for responding to calls by Fatah and other PLO factions to perform Friday Prayers in public areas. These attacks included the use of force, including gunshots, beating, and other forms of inhumane treatment, to prevent
civilians from reaching public areas designated for prayers. They were dispersed by force despite the peaceful nature of these activities. In addition, tens of civilians were detained; and they were beaten and abused during detention.
PCHR strongly condemns the Executive Force for forcefully preventing civilians from performing prayers in public areas in the Gaza Strip. In addition, the Centre strongly condemns the detentions and arrests by the Executive Force, led by the detention of Dr. Zakaria El-Agha (member of the PLO Executive Committee), Ibrahim Abu El-Naja (president of the National Follow up Committee of National and Islamic Parties), and other Fatah and PLO officials. The Centre calls upon the dismissed government to rescind its position banning prayers in public areas; and affirms people’s full and legitimate right to do so and to organize peaceful
demonstrations as a means of expression and protest protected by the Basic Law and international human rights conventions.
III- Restrictions on the right to assembly:
Preventing prayers in public areas is only one violation of the right to peaceful assembly. PCHR
documented several cases in which the Executive Force dispersed peaceful assemblies by force.
This is a violation of the right to peaceful assembly, which is a basic right protected by the Amended Basic Law of 2003 and the Public Assemblies Law of 1998.
These violations were furthered by the decision of the Executive Force on 13 August 2007 stating: “Stemming from the public interest, and in order to preserve security, and relying on the rule of law, it is forbidden to go out in any demonstration without official permission from the Executive Force.” This decision is a reminder of an announcement on 29 February 2000 by the then Director- General of the Palestinian Police, General Ghazi Jabali, to prevent any public assemblies without his prior permission. The Centre condemned Jabali’s decision and considered it a violation of the spirit and text of the public assemblies law.
After the Force’s decision, PCHR documented at least 2 attacks on peaceful assembly by the
Executive Force:
1- Dispersing a peaceful assembly in the center of Gaza City organized by PLO factions on 13 August 2007.
2- Dispersing a peaceful demonstration by Fatah activists in Gaza City on 24 August 2007.
PCHR is extremely concerned by the decision and practices of the Executive Force, and calls for
rescinding the decision. The Centre affirms that law-enforcement parties do not have any legal
authority to license or ban peaceful demonstrations or any other form of peaceful assembly. The
law states that law-enforcement parties should be “notified” of any such activity; and that the police can put limitations on the duration and route of the activity to “organize traffic.”
IV- Continuation of illegal arrests:
PCHR expressed relief at the release of a number of persons who were illegally detained. However, the Centre is concerned over the illegal detention of several individuals by the Executive Force. According to our information, there are several detainees held for more than a month without regard for legal regulations. The Centre renews its call to respect legal regulations of detention operations, and to ensure that detainees enjoy their right of legal representation through a lawyer, and to ensure family visits.
V- Torture and other forms of cruel and inhumane treatment:
PCHR has documented many cases in which civilians were subjected to torture and other forms of cruel and inhumane treatment during detention and questioning by the Executive Force. Many of them complained that they were treated with vindictiveness due to their status as activists or members of Fatah. Torture was perpetrated in police stations and Executive Force compounds throughout the Gaza Strip, especially in the North, Khan Yunis, and Rafah.
We would like to remind that torture is outlawed by Palestinian Law and by international human rights standards. It is a crime that does not fall by seniority; and its perpetrators must be prosecuted.
VI- Illegal functions of Izzedeen El-Qassam Battalions:
PCHR has documented several cases in which Izzedeen El-Qassam Battalions acted as a police
force, which constitutes a flagrant violation that must be addressed. One of the leading violations
is the establishment of several detention centers administered by El-Qassam Battalions, in which civilians are detained, interrogated, and subjected to torture and other forms of cruel and inhumane treatment. More worrisome is the fact that the Executive Force delivers some of its detainees to El- Qassam Battalions, and holds them in the latter’s detention centers.
The Centre has condemned these illegal actions, which have resulted in the death of a detainee in El-Mashtal detention center northwest of Gaza City. PCHR renews the call to stop these illegal functions.
VII- Excessive use of force and threatening personal safety of civilians:
PCHR has documented several cases in which armed force was used excessively during Executive Force operations, resulting in the death and injury of several civilians, including children and women. Despite our understanding of the Executive Force’s mandate to establish order, especially in the absence of a civilian police force, we affirm the importance of issuing clear instructions that regulate the use of force, including firearms, in accordance with relevant international standards.
VIII- Violations against civil society organizations:
PCHR has documented tens of attacks on civil society organizations in the Gaza Strip and West
Bank during the recent clashes and afterwards. These include attacks on media organizations,
charitable organizations, labor unions, and others. The Centre has strongly condemned these
attacks and called for neutralizing civil society organizations from the conflict, to protect them, and to respect their independence. One of the most notable organizations that continues to come
under attack is the Palestinian General Federation of Labor Unions. The Executive Force and El-Qassam Battalions took over the offices of the Federation on 13 June 2007. Instead of heeding our calls to evacuate the offices and deliver them to the Federation administration, the attacks expanded to include Federation branches in the Gaza Strip and a Federation kindergarten in the northern Gaza Strip.
The Centre renews the call to evacuate the Executive Force from the headquarters of the
Federation, and to deliver it and all branches to the Federation administration to resume work for the benefit of laborers. PCHR affirms that the right to establish unions, associations, federations, coalitions, clubs, and public institutions is a constitutional law protected by the Palestinian Basic Law.
IX- Detention of the Attorney-General, attack on his office, and stopping him from performing his duties:
Since the start of the recent clashes, PCHR has regularly demanded to neutralize the Attorney-General’s Office from the power struggle between Fatah and Hamas. The Centre demanded that the AG and his assistants return to work in the Gaza Strip to preserve public interest.
We were surprised by the decision of Dr. Yusef El-Mansi, the Justice Minister in the dismissed
government, to suspend the AG from work claiming that his appointment was not conducted
according to legal requirements. PCHR affirms that the AG was and is performing his functions
according to the law; and that the Justice Minister is not authorized to infringe on the AG’s
jurisdiction or person. The Minister’s decision is a serious violation of the judicial system, and
hinders justice. Continuing illegal measures against the AG, and in a flagrant violation of the AG’s person and immunity, the Executive Force raided the AG’s office on 16 August 2007 and
assaulted the AG and detained him and his assistants.
PCHR strongly condemns these attacks and calls for prosecuting the perpetrators. The Centre
renews the call to the dismissed government and its Justice Minister to rescind its illegal decision to suspend the AG, and to take serious steps to preserve the impunity and status of the AG and his assistants.
X- Absence of Ombudsman or Complaint Address:
In light of these violations and attacks, we continue to face a serious problem as a human rights
organization in the area of official contacts regarding legal issues (e.g. complaints on behalf of
victims). Although we are aware that accessing the political leadership is relatively easy through
direct correspondence with the Prime Minister, we hope that you will designate a party that is
legally authorized to handle legal issues.

Mr. Prime Minister,
We appreciate your efforts and commitment to respect and protect human rights and public
freedoms. However, these face difficult challenges on the field. And we think that these challenges must be addressed immediately in a manner that reflects your commitments and answer our concerns as a human rights organization. We think that it is extremely important to maintain the delicate balance between the need to impose public order and security and the need to protect and respect human rights. We are certain that you will not preserve any effort to remedy these violations; and that you will take the necessary steps to put and end to them and to hold the responsible parties accountable to their deeds in a clear, transparent, and public manner.

Sincerely,
Raji Sourani
Director,
Palestinian Centre for Human Rights
Public Document
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Primo Levi Israele lo ignorò

Meron Rapoport, L'Espresso, 20/09/07. A lungo le opere di Levi non trovarono editori a Gerusalemme. E non venne neppure chiamato al processo Eichmann. Dan Miron, autorevole critico letterario, ha scritto che l'establishment israeliano non poteva accettare Levi perché il suo modo di concepire la Shoah era contrario alla maniera in cui Israele voleva vedere quel periodo. L'Auschwitz di Levi, dice Miron, non era "un altro pianeta", ma "la continuazione e la manifestazione della 'normale' condotta umana". Israele invece voleva trattare la Shoah come un evento unico, ragione per cui, "il migliore scrittore della Shoah" era ignoto agli studenti israeliani. Anche per Margalit Shlain non è stato un caso se Levi è stato ignorato. Israele cercava eroi, e Levi non era un eroe. La letteratura israeliana sulla Shoah versava sul patetico e Levi guardava Auschwitz con un occhio quasi calmo. E poi non era sionista.

La scoperta del testo di Primo Levi che leggete qui non è risultato di una lunga e travagliata ricerca. 'La deposizione del Dott. Primo Levi, abitante in Torino, C. Vittorio 67' giaceva da quarantasette anni nell'archivio di Yad Vashem, e reca in testa il timbro in ebraico e in inglese 'Central Archives for the Disaster and the Heroism'. 'Disaster' era un goffo tentativo di rendere in inglese l'intraducibile parola Shoah. E Yad Vashem è il più importante centro di documentazione della Shoah, appunto. Un giorno dunque, una studiosa israeliana, Margalit Shlain, preparando, per un convegno, una relazione sulla 'Percezione dell'opera di Primo Levi in Israele' ha pensato di visitare quell'archivio, e così ha trovato la deposizione di Levi stilata a Roma il 14 giugno 1960, e giunta a Yad Vashem nello stesso anno.

Della Shoah, dei suoi molteplici aspetti, ci si occupa in Israele quotidianamente. E allora può essere difficile capire come un testo di uno scrittore come Levi, conosciuto in tutto il mondo per i suoi libri su Auschwitz, non sia stato ritrovato per così lungo tempo. La direzione dell'archivio di Yad Vashem ha detto a 'L'espresso' che la deposizione di Levi arrivò nelle loro mani nel 1960 insieme ad altri documenti provenienti dall'Italia. Levi l'avrebbe affidata ai rappresentanti della magistratura israeliana che lavoravano all'istruttoria del processo ad Adolf Eichmann, l'ideatore della 'soluzione finale del problema ebraico', catturato in Argentina dagli agenti del Mossad nel 1960 (il premier David Ben Gurion ne diede l'annuncio alla Knesset il 23 maggio di quell'anno). La testimonianza di Levi, racconta Shlain, insieme ad altre 50 testimonianze di ebrei italiani, venne trasmessa agli uffici della Procura a Gerusalemme, ma Levi non fu chiamato a testimoniare davanti al tribunale che condannò Eichmann a morte.

Il processo di Eichmann non era un semplice atto giudiziario. Nei primi anni dell'esistenza dello Stato di Israele della Shoah si parlava pochissimo. Il processo, trasmesso in diretta dalla radio per mesi e mesi, era, per Ben Gurion, un'ottima occasione per presentare lo Stato ebraico come l'erede di un ebraismo ferito a morte, un erede che ha però imparato la lezione (mai più Auschwitz e mai più vita in Diaspora), e per raccontare la Shoah al pubblico israeliano. Ecco perché il pubblico ministero Gideon Hausner pensò di convocare come testimoni persone che fossero conosciute al pubblico. Uno di questi era Yehiel Dinur-Feiner, un reduce di Auschwitz, che firmava con lo pseudonimo Ka-Tzetnik i suoi libri un po' scandalistici e con scene molto crude sugli orrori dei campi di sterminio e che era molto popolare negli anni Cinquanta in Israele. Lo scrittore svenne sul banco dei testimoni dopo aver pronunciato parole che sarebbero rimaste impresse nella memoria degli israeliani: "Sono venuto da un altro pianeta, dal pianeta delle ceneri che si chiama Auschwitz".

Levi non era a Gerusalemme. In Israele, Levi era sconosciuto. Così rimase quasi fino alla sua morte. Nel 1968 fece una visita in Israele con una delegazione di partigiani di Torino. Lo storico Isaac Garti lo incontrò a Gerusalemme. Garti aveva letto in italiano 'Se questo è un uomo', era rimasto commosso e voleva tradurlo. Levi, ricorda Garti, era molto interessato a una traduzione del libro. "Aveva contattato parecchie case editrici, ma tutte avevano rifiutato. Gli dicevano: 'Un altro libro sulla Shoah? Ne abbiamo fin troppi. Nessuno lo comprerà'". Levi, ricorda Garti, sorrideva dicendo che capiva benissimo. Un eco di questo incontro con l'incomprensione della sua opera in Israele, si ritrova nella prefazione che Levi scrisse per la traduzione de 'La Tregua', il suo primo libro uscito in ebraico nel 1979. "Sono molto felice e fiero che la mia 'Tregua' vede luce in Israele, molti anni dopo la sua nascita in Italia", scriveva. "Non è strano che il mio primo libro, 'Se questo è un uomo', non sia tradotto in ebraico. 'Se questo è un uomo' è un diario di un campo di concentramento, un soggetto troppo conosciuto". 'La Tregua', sosteneva Levi, racconta invece una storia inedita, per cui era ragionevole sperare in un suo successo. La speranza venne delusa. 'La Tregua', nella sua prima edizione israeliana ha venduto 500 copie. 'Se questo è un uomo' è stato pubblicato in Israele, nella traduzione di Garti, soltanto un anno dopo la morte di Levi. Perché tanto ritardo? Ariel Rathaus, professore di letteratura italiana all'Università di Gerusalemme, dice che Israele segue l'America. Quando in America si cominciò a parlare di Levi (metà anni Ottanta), anche in Israele ci si accorse di lui. 'Il sistema periodico' uscì nel 1987 ed ebbe successo. Più tardi anche gli altri libri di Levi sono stati tradotti in ebraico: il ritardo era solo questione di moda.

Non tutti sono d'accordo. Dan Miron, autorevole critico letterario, ha scritto che l'establishment israeliano non poteva accettare Levi perché il suo modo di concepire la Shoah era contrario alla maniera in cui Israele voleva vedere quel periodo. L'Auschwitz di Levi, dice Miron, non era "un altro pianeta", ma "la continuazione e la manifestazione della 'normale' condotta umana". Israele invece voleva trattare la Shoah come un evento unico, ragione per cui, "il migliore scrittore della Shoah" era ignoto agli studenti israeliani. Anche per Margalit Shlain non è stato un caso se Levi è stato ignorato. Israele cercava eroi, e Levi non era un eroe. La letteratura israeliana sulla Shoah versava sul patetico e Levi guardava Auschwitz con un occhio quasi calmo. E poi non era sionista. Oggi le cose sono cambiate: nei licei si studiano i racconti di Levi, all'università si scrivono tesi sulla sua opera. Perfino Olmert ha citato Levi in uno dei suoi discorsi. Ma poi il convegno per cui Shlain ha scritto la relazione sulle opere di Levi ha avuto luogo in Belgio, non in Israele, e anche lì quel testo che qui potete leggere è stato solo menzionato, non citato nella sua interezza. Per Levi in Israele la strada è ancora lunga.

(20 settembre 2007)

Nablus: Result of three days of invasion in the Abbas-Fayyad Israeli recognised State of Palestine (6).

Photo: http://www.flickr.com/photos/8606171@N08/
Email From: Human Supporters [mailto:wajdiyaeesh@gmail.com]. After occupying Ale'n camp three days and four nights, the soldiers left this morning leaving everything destroyed.
I went there this morning to record a film about the destruction. What I sow and I recorded was really horrible, the violence used by soldiers against the people and against the camp itself is without limit.

During the invasion we sow how soldiers occupied houses, arrested people, we sow their reaction and their violence. But compare with what we sow today, I realise that we sow nothing during the invasion!

No one single house in the camp has not been occupied. I entered in some houses, the destruction is total. They destroyed everythings in the houses, electric machine, sofas, wardrobes, and it looks for me that they use to enjoy the kitchen, they use to mix the sugar with rice with every things. All the materials of the kitchen specially which made by glass they use to enjoy destroying it. Its not only the houses even the streets, by bulldozer they destroy it, in each corner that i pass i find something destroyed.

One building of three flours was completely destroyed. They begin to destroy it by bulldozer, then they left it. It was already not usable at all but they decided that was not enough... so they finish it by bomb. Seventy people used to live there, now they are homeless. Why ? Because this building included the house of one of the fighters of the camp.

One family told me what's happened to them: they were arrested in one room in their house, one of the soldier who was occupying their house came to the room where they were enclosed and asked them "you don't want to cook, we know that it's Ramadan and you are fasting", so the women say: "ya i want make something for the kids at least, they ate nothing and they are not fasting even", so she went to the kitchen, she prepared some food, she brought it for every body. When they were up to start to eat, one of the soldiers arrived, he took the food plate by plate and he throw each one in the flour in front of the people who were fasting, in front of the kids who needed it.
Finally the invasion finished, the result is two martyrs, 49 prisoners, 70 injured.

Delegation of the European Parliament’s Committee of Development to the Palestinian Territories

DEVE, 21/09/07. The delegation is deeply shocked by the unprecedented humanitarian crisis it witnessed in the Palestinian Territories. It urges the European Union to take immediate action to stop the collective punishment against the Palestinian people inflicted by the Israeli authorities which deprives them from building a viable economy, impedes the delivery of humanitarian assistance and the implementation of development aid projects. The delegation warns against the risk and unpredictable consequences of the current crisis, if the occupation does not end.

The Members of the delegation consider that the planned Middle-East Peace conference, to be held in November 2007 in New York, would represent an opportunity for achieving peace between Israelis and Palestinians providing that all relevant stakeholders are actively involved in the conduct of negotiations and in good-faith, resulting in a final agreement according to the UN Resolutions and the Arab initiatives.

In the meantime, it is essential that the Palestinian extremists groups stop any military action against the Israeli population. Israel has to remove the existing closure and check points, ensuring the freedom of movement for people and goods and refrain from any military actions against the Palestinian population.

The delegation visited agricultural projects, the Shifa hospital, the Director of the Coastal Municipalities Water Utility for the Palestinian National Authority. They also met with the Minister of Planning, the Mayor of Gaza, The Mayor of Hebron, several human rights activists, representatives of the civil society, businessmen, the Commissioner General of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA), and the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).

It heard dramatic testimonies regarding the food security situation, the problems regarding water resources and energy supplies. Other important points raised were the Palestinians struggle for the right to basic education and health services, accompanied by a complete disruption of the economic life and suspension of development projects.

The constant deterioration of the situation in the Palestinian Territories pre-empts the conduct of a normal development policy and results in the high dependency on emergency aid. The delegation takes the view that in order to resume a sustainable economic activity, the removal of the political obstacles, and in particular the existing closures are essential.

The delegation considers the humanitarian crisis in Gaza to be of the highest urgency, and in this respect shares the views expressed by UNRWA; IMF and the World Bank Report. The economic, social and cultural life is disrupted. As the area is closed and goods can not be imported or exported, this brings the economy to collapse. The unemployment rate has risen sharply (currently around 70 %), most factories and shops are closed, and many families are unable to pay for basic commodities, even bread. The disposal of household waste is very intermittent giving further concern to the health of the population of the Gaza Strip. The water system is polluted which is a risk to babies and to all people. The NGOs denounced the suspension of development projects due to the closures, and the lack of construction materials. The scarce resources diminish the quality of medical care. The Gaza Strip and Hebron resemble ghost cities.

Deep concern was expressed about Israel’s decision to interrupt the provision of essential services, such as electricity and fuel to the Gaza Strip.

The delegation became very aware that the chance to have a lasting and just peace in the area through negotiations and agreements which will put an end to the military occupation and bring to the coexistence of two states in reciprocal security and defined borders can only be realised if the obstacles which makes daily life impossible for Palestinians (notably the construction of walls, the increasing number of settlements and the daily intrusion of the military in the West Bank), be removed now.

Mr Thijs Berman (PES, NL) Chair of the Delegation; Mr Ryszard Czarnecki (UEN, PL), Ms Margrete Auken (GREENS/EFA, DK), Ms Luisa Morgantini (Vice President of the European Parliament GUE/NGL, IT); Mr Kyriacos Triantaphyllides (GUE/NGL, CY), Chair of the EP delegation for relations with the Palestinian Legislative Council.

La jeune épouse française in the Abbas-Fayyad Israeli recognised State of Palestine (5)

Phalestine, Naplouse, 20/09/07. "Imagine, Phalestine, à Naplouse nous sommes 200 000 habitants, imagine que juste 50 000 d'entre nous sortions, imagine les gens des villages nous rejoignant, imagine à chaque ville que nous traverserons les gens qui se joindront à nous. Ils ne pourront pas tous nous tuer, ils tueront seulement les premières lignes. Je serai devant, parce que ce jour là je pourrai mourir en paix, ce jour là ils ne pourront plus nous arrêter, nous serons libres. Nous serons devant Phalestine".

Pour commencer cet email, je dois faire quelques précisions. Ces rapports que j'écris jours après jours, ne sont pas une caméra, et les émotions que je tente de retransmettre passent elles par mes yeux , par mes tripes plus exactement. Je ne prétend pas être journaliste, je ne rapporte que ce que moi, venue d'un autre monde, je perçois. En me lisant vous êtes en moi. Complètement, mais rien d'autre.

Aujourd'hui j'ai rencontré mes limites, ce qui fait la différence entre un Palestinien et une Française. Est-ce l'excuse que je me donne ? Elle est si facile.

Aujourd'hui est un jour de défaite personnelle à bien des niveaux.
Ce matin, à 10 heures une marche de solidarité aux habitants d'El Ain est organisée par les Naplousi.
J'ai veillé trop tard hier, je décide une nuit blanche mais le sommeil m'a pris vers huit heures. Wajdi tente de me réveiller pour y aller. Je n'en suis pas capable. Ce n'est pas le sommeil que je ne réussis pas à vaincre, c'est la peur. Je pressens un massacre. Un mouvement de foule effraiera les soldats, ils tireront sans hésiter. Femmes, enfants, vieillards, ils ne feront pas de différence. Ils voudront sûrement donner un exemple aussi, nous dire "ne revenez pas".

C'est un cri : je veux vivre, je veux que Wajdi vive, je veux continuer nos rêves.
Wajdi fait mine de prendre sa veste de secouriste pour rejoindre les ambulances. Si vous connaissez Wajdi, vous savez déjà qu'il était en première ligne de la manifestation. Quand je l'apprends, je sais que je n'ai pas voulu le comprendre plus tôt et le sentiment d'avoir trahis nos serments me prends. Il n'a pas été blessé "grâce à Dieu seulement" me dit-il. Je suis folle de colère: contre lui d'avoir pris ce risque, contre moi qui n'ai pas été à la hauteur, contre le monde qui ne saura jamais.

"Sur le chemin, je volais, entouré des 500 personnes qui partaient ensembles, unis, c'était comme un orgasme" me dit Wajdi. Le plus grand rêve de Wajdi est une marche de tous les palestiniens à travers la Palestine : "imagine, Phalestine, à Naplouse nous sommes 200 000 habitants, imagine que juste 50 000 d'entre nous sortions, imagine les gens des villages nous rejoignant, imagine à chaque ville que nous traverserons les gens qui se joindront à nous. Ils ne pourront pas tous nous tuer, ils tueront seulement les premières lignes. Je serai devant, parce que ce jour là je pourrai mourir en paix, ce jour là ils ne pourront plus nous arrêter, nous serons libres. Nous serons devant Phalestine."

C'est pour ça que je ne peux pas dire à Wajdi que je suis en colère qu'il soit parti à cette manifestation. C'est pour ça que je ne peux pas lui dire, non, je veux que nous vivions. Vivre droit ou ne pas vivre, Wajdi est comme ça. Je fais mon possible pour l'atteindre, disons que c'est pas gagné.

Comme je l'appréhendais, les soldats n'ont pas hésité une seconde, en moins d'une minutes la foule était dispersée par le gaz, tirs à balles réelles et plastiques. Impossible de vraiment savoir combien de personnes ont été blessées. Pour cette unique minute le chauffeur d'une des ambulances m'a expliqué avoir transporté à l'hôpital quatre personnes.
Il est environ 15 heures lorsque nous arrivons devant le camp d'El Ain. Je suis à nouveau glacée par ma sueur. Les larmes immergent mon visage, ce n'est pas l'émotion mais le gaz lacrymogène. Une vieille dame tente de traverser la rue, je passe mon bras sur son dos pour la couvrir. Je ne veux pas me permettre de familiarité qui pourrait l'offusquer, mais elle prend mon bras, elle serre ma main.

Tout parait plus ordonné qu'hier : les jeunes qui lancent des pierres, les jeunes qui tentent d'apporter de la nourriture dans le camp. Les soldats surtout sont mieux organisés : une équipe de premier secours vient de se faire arrêter, un journaliste qui tentait de filmer la destruction d'une maison a pris une balle, la plupart des volontaires se voient refuser formellement l'entrée.

Nous apprenons que 20 familles sont enfermées dans une maison, cela signifie environ 200 personnes. Quelques soient les réserves qui étaient dans la maison, elles sont épuisées. Aiché (confère les textes précédents) a réussi à y apporter quelques vivres, mais pas assez.

Wajdi et moi avons apporté des médicaments laissés le mois dernier par un groupe de l'association Génération Palestine. Nous commençons à les "éplucher" avec un médecin de l'équipe, je traduis les indications et nous trions ceux qui correspondent aux besoins des habitants du camp. Hors de question de prendre le risque de donner un médicament qui ne corresponde pas, nous hésitons. Finalement nous prenons tous les efferalgants, aspirines, spasfon et nous laissons les autres dans le centre de secours installé à devant le camp. Nous prenons également de la nourriture autant qu'il nous est possible et avec un britannique, Jacob, et trois autres Palestiniens nous partons.

Nous sommes sur le seuil lorsque 3 soldats surgissent. Ils contrôlent nos papier d'identité, enfin pas les miens, la couleur de mon passeport suffit. Malheureusement elle ne suffit pas à protéger l'un des volontaire. Sous mes yeux, ils attrapent ce jeune, devant mes pieds ils l'obligent à s'agenouiller. Le viseur de l'arme qui s'abat sur son crane a un diamètre qui avoisine les 10 centimètres, ils l'attrapent par les cheveux, l'insultent, puis ils lui bandent les yeux et le jettent dans leur fourgon. Je ne peux rien faire, encore. Ils en ont rien à foutre des témoins, nous ne sommes même pas gênants.

Nous reprenons nos sacs de pains, de mortadelle, de médicaments et nous commençons à grimper les interminables marches de la colline. Comme hier nous voulons entrer par le haut. Il fait chaud, j'ai soif, l'estomac vide du jeune, la crève, la hantise d'une balle qui peut nous atteindre à tout moment. Je crois que je vais m'évanouir. Finalement non, j'arrive en haut et l'adrénaline qui monte à la vue du barrage militaire me remet très vite sur pied.

L'un d'entre eux me braque, il se fout de ma gueule ce connard, un autre baisse son arme. "Nous apportons de la nourriture et des médicaments pour les habitants, ils en ont besoin". Les ordres sont formels : "dégagez". Rien n'y fait, pas même les petites blagues d'usage. L'autre retrouve son sourire en me braquant à nouveau.

Nous faisons mine de partir et entrons dans une maison quelques mètres plus loin. Ces personnes qui nous reçoivent sont plus qu'accueillantes. Leur jardin donne accès à un autre jardin qui lui même donne sur le camp. D'autres équipes médicales sont déjà passées par là, elles guettaient notre arrivée pour nous indiquer le passage. Nous leur proposons un peu de nourriture, elles refusent : "ceux qui sont à l'intérieur en ont plus besoin".
Une explosion plus violente et plus longue que les autres tonne, une montgolfière de poussière s'envole. Nous accélérons, s'il y a des blessés nous devons les secourir. En ouvrant la grille Wajdi se retrouve nez à nez avec un soldat. Comme nous ne déguerpissons pas assez vite, une bombe sonore nous frôle, les coups de feux partent. Nous nous baissons et nous courrons.
Mon cher Wajdi est toujours plein de ressources : le voilà qui lance les paquets de nourriture aux habitants par les fenêtres. Un premier paquet de pain, un second, un poulet, ah non... pas de poulet, celui-ci n'est pas arrivé à destination. Les gens nous demandent de l'eau, nous restons sans voix: de l'eau.
Les soldats ont repéré notre "manège", nous détalons presto.
Il est 6 heures, nous entendons l'éden qui signale la fin du jeune, la tombée de la nuit aussi. Une ambulance nous attrape au vol. Je trouve une bouteille d'eau à l'intérieur, elle est chaude et pas très claire, je lui trouve pourtant une saveur d'hydromel.
Nous arrivons à la maison, de l'eau, des jus de fruits, du sucre, du silence. Je veux me sentir en sécurité.
Wajdi m'annonce que nous repartons dans une demie-heure. Je traîne, m'attarde sur mes emails, finis par sortir un "tu est sur que c'est vraiment utile ?" puis un "ils ne nous laisserons jamais entrer". Wajdi se laisse convaincre.

Il est temps de parler. En quelques secondes j'avoue tout: mon angoisse face à ce cauchemar, ma rencontre avec mes limites et surtout cette défaite. Aujourd'hui je n'ai pas été à la hauteur de mes engagements. Je ne veux pas vivre comme ça.

Il est environ 20 heures, nous rejoignons les équipes médicales. Au passage Wajdi propose à d'autres jeunes de nous emboîter le pas, la réponse de l'un d'entre-eux est "quand tu seras martyre, je viendrai chercher ton corps". Je ne suis pas certaine qu'il fut une bonne idée de la part de mon cher et tendre de me traduire cet encouragement.

Une lumière bleue descend la butte sur laquelle est basée le camp. Des lumières jaunes, sortes de feux d'artifices traversent le ciel, nous entendons des coups de feux, des explosions et un hélicoptère que je n'arrive pas à voir.

Il est trop tard, les soldats ont fermés la base médicale. Néanmoins Jacob et deux autres internationales ont étés autorisés à rejoindre la maison où les 20 familles sont retenues en otage, ils y sont toujours. Ils ont relâché le volontaire de Medical Relief près d'Howara (un des check point de Naplouse), il est transporté à l'hôpital parce qu'il est couvert de contusions. Je me risque à demander un stupide : pourquoi ? Parce que sur sa carte d'identité il est indiqué qu'il habite le camp d'El Ain.

C'est le moment du bilan. Beaucoup de blessés pendants la journée, de personnes "arrêtées", de nombreuses maisons ont été détruites de l'intérieur ou littéralement, très peu de nourriture est entrée dans le camp et les soldats ne partent pas.
Les véhicules militaires passent et repassent devant nous, il ne faut plus tarder.

Plutôt que cet exposé de complaintes douteuses de ma part j'aurais voulu décrire dans cet email ce que ressentent les personnes enfermées en ce moment. Mais comment ? Je n'ai pas pu entrer. Est-ce que je me rends compte moi même qu'ils nous demandaient de l'eau.
J'ai lu aujourd'hui Conte sous couvre feu écrit par les enfants d'El Ain avec l'aide de Darna (maison des associations de Naplouse). J'aimerai être à leur place pour ne pas savoir qu'ils y sont.

Army Incursion in Al Ayn refugee camp, Nablus - the Abbas-Fayyad Israeli recognised State of Palestine

International Solidarity Movement, 21/09/07.

Tuesday, September 18th, Israeli occupation forces (IOF) assaulted Al Ayn refugee camp in Nablus. The IOF attacked the camp and were met with fierce resistance from inside the camp. One soldier and one resistance fighter was killed.

The camp was closed off and a curfew was put in place. A road block of earth was set up to stop people and vehicles from entering the camp. Ambulances gathered on Jamal Abdel Nasser street, the main entrance to the camp. They then dropped tear gas upwind of the ambulances, causing the crews to leave the area or seek shelter in their vehicles.

An injured 17 year old was taken to the roadblock and put into an ambulance. The soldiers took the keys out of the ignition, forcing the ambulance to wait until an army medic had declared ‘whether he was dead or not’. The family of the gunshot victim were forcibly removed from the ambulance. Nervous soldiers were very aggressive with the press throughout.

Palestinian Medical Relief worker is arrested and blindfolded for trying to access the wounded. Three medical workers were arrested during the invasion.

An ISM Human Rights Worker (HRW) was filming an army jeep when the soldier in the back of the jeep attempted to throw a tear gas grenade at the HRW. He set it off in the back of his own jeep instead. Soldiers piled out of the jeep choking on their own tear gas. It seemed they threw a sound bomb at the HRW and ambulance crews who had witnessed the mistake out of embarrassment.

Excessive repression was carried out all day against youths throwing rocks at army jeeps, humvees and bulldozers. HRWs and Palestinian ambulance crews repeatedly tried to enter the camp. Urgently needed water, bread and medical supplies were not allowed in by the army. All negotiations with the IOF failed, both with the soldiers on the ground and the local DCO “humanitarian office”.

———————–

Smoke rises from Israeli army activity in the besieged camp.

Wednesday, September 19th:

The lock down of Al Ayn refugee camp continued. After two nights of curfew and no medical teams entering, ambulance crews were anxious to get in and tend to the wounded. The IOF responded to the requests of the medics by firing rubber coated steel bullets at them. The ambulances were hit repeatedly, and after sustaining damage to windscreens and the vehicle bodies, were made to leave the area. At 10:20am ambulance crews and two ISM HRWs tried to gain access to the medical clinic but were forced back by concussion grenades and rubber coated steel bullets.

At mid-day a large, colourful, non-violent protest march approached the camp. There were around 200 Palestinians waving flags and chanting songs. The army fired tear gas at the back of the procession, into a large group of women. They then fired tear gas and rubber bullets into the rest of the protesters. In the ensuing chaos people were hit by grenades and rubber bullets. The army fired indiscriminately into the crowd to create as much pain and havoc as possible.

One HRW and an ambulance crew bravely broke the curfew. They ran past soldiers taking desperately needed medical supplies into the camp. They stayed for the rest of the evening giving out food and medicine to the trapped occupants of the camp. At around 6pm one ambulance with medicines supplied by an ISM HRW was allowed into the camp, bringing much needed relief to families trapped in the nightmare of the IOF invasion. During the curfew on this day, a 38 year old handicapped man in a wheelchair was shot while he was looking out his window. The situation continues with ambulance crews and HRWs on stand-by all through the night waiting for the next opportunity to gain access to the terrified inhabitants of the camp.

————

Local Palestinians are arrested while demonstrating non-violently against the invasion.

Thursday, September 20th:

ISM HRWs came to the camp at 8:30am and saw the UN and the Red Cross among other NGOs on the scene for the first time.

A couple of ambulances were allowed into the camp at 9:00am to bring much needed relief and aid to the camp inhabitants. At around 10:30am two people were arrested and taken from the mosque in handcuffs, into an armoured personnel carrier. One medic was arrested from the clinic on Jammal Abdel Nasser street. The IOF entered the clinic and checked everyone’s IDs. The medic was released late in the evening after being badly beaten with sticks during his incarceration.

A peaceful demonstration was held in solidarity with the besieged camp. After speeches were made in the centre of Nablus the march began at 11:10am. There were colourful banners waved as the city’s people showed their support for the inhabitants on the streets for the second day running. As the marcher approached the camp, they were subjected to a hail of sound grenades and tear gas. The tear gas turned the crowd of peaceful demonstrators into a scene of fear and chaos.

A building that was called home by fifty children and their families is destroyed, they were given minutes notice.

Along with a Palestinian medical crew three ISM HRWs gained access to the inside of the camp. After sneaking over rough ground, the group stopped when faced with an IOF jeep standing in their way. The group gathered their courage and had the internationals in the front as they walked past the jeep. Around the corner were three or four more IOF vehicles forcing the medics and HRWs to dash down an alley and into the camp.

Urgently needed medical supplies were distributed to the grateful residents in their homes. Danger was always wearing a uniform as the medics moved around the camp. HRWs led the way calling out ‘volunteer’ so any trigger-happy soldiers knew they were a medical crew. A student from Tulkarem had been trapped in the camp since Tuesday morning. One HRW gave her his high-visibility jacket so she could leave with the team and return home. While exiting the camp the medics and activists were attacked by the IOF with sound bombs. All they wanted was to bring more supplies in to the needy people but were threatened with being shot by soldiers.

At 5pm a building which housed around fifty children, recently visited by the medics and activists in the camp, was blown up by the IOF. This illegal act of collective punishment was because a cousin of one of the residents was wanted by the Israeli Army. Later in the evening the IOF set off a series of large explosions in the camp. The explosions lasted for around 20 minutes and many homes were destroyed. The city shuddered as the IOF continued its operations in Al Ayn refugee camp.

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Medical workers must go through extensive searches and ID checks while attempting to deliver food and medicine to the camp under curfew.

Friday, September 21st:

After a three day siege of Al-Ain Refugee camp, IOF left the camp around 5am this morning. Residents were able to leave their homes for the first time since it began. At least two Palestinians were killed and an unknown number of people are injured. 49 residents of the camp were also arrested. Many homes in the camp showed signs of extensive damage.

The IOF blew many doors off their hinges and bullets and tear gas canisters could be found on the ground in many places throughout the camp. At least one house, which had been the residence of fifty children, was completely destroyed by explosives. Several other houses had gaping holes in walls and showed signs of attempted demolition. Today, children sat in the rubble where their house once stood.

International activists spoke with several residents of the camp, who described experiences of being without food, water and medicine. One woman spoke of being beaten by IOF soldiers outside of her home. A member of a Palestinian relief organization told activists that three medics had been arrested over the course of the invasion, with one still being held captive.

The bodies of the two Palestinians killed during the invasion were carried through the streets by hundreds of mourners who remembered with rage the brutal treatment they have endured by the IOF.

Palestinian and international HRWs walk along the destroyed route the Israeli army took through the camp.

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