martedì 9 ottobre 2007

Cordoglio per cristiano ucciso a Gaza. Non si strumentalizzi ancora una volta la tragedia

L'assassinio  di Rami Khader Ayyad nella Striscia di Gaza , che molte volte ho incontrato proprio a Gaza, lascia costernati ed è un fatto gravissimo: esprimo tutto il mio cordoglio alla famiglia e alla comunità cristiana.

Le responsabilità dell'omicidio devono venire alla luce e i colpevoli puniti, così come già dichiarato dalle autorità di Hamas che controllano la Striscia e dal Presidente Mahmoud Abbas.

Da parte sua la Comunità Internazionale e soprattutto i media devono fare tutto quanto in loro potere per evitare di strumentalizzare questa tragedia, incentivando tesi pericolosissime che rintracciano nello scontro tra religioni episodi isolati e da condannare ma ad opera solo di schegge impazzite di una società allo stremo, quale quella di Gaza.

Lo ha ribadito anche monsignor Fouad Twal, arcivescovo coadiutore del Patriarcato latino di Gerusalemme, che ha escluso ci possa essere una persecuzione dei cristiani a Gaza, e anche il custode di Terra Santa del Vaticano padre Pierbattista Pizzaballa.

Fino ad ora i cristiani che hanno lasciato la Palestina lo hanno fatto per l'impossibilità di vivere dietro un muro, bloccati dai check point, e senza nessuna prospettiva economica. Ma il pericolo di una spirale di violenza è sempre presente.

Soltanto lavorando per la fine dell'occupazione militare, per la giustizia, il dialogo e la convivenza in Medio Oriente si potranno evitare simili episodi di intolleranza e barbarie, e soprattutto non lasciando a gruppi fanatici la possibilità di manipolare la disperazione di un popolo in lotta per uno Stato Palestinese indipendente e sovrano, in sicurezza e affianco a quello di Israele, dove la libertà di religione ed espressione siano alla base di una vera democrazia e convivenza civile.

Per info Luisa Morgantini 0039 348 39 21 465 o Francesca Cutarelli 0039 340 56 49 335

Luisa.morgantini@europarl.europa.eu www.luisamorgantini.net

lunedì 8 ottobre 2007

Le catacombe contemporanee dei cristiani palestinesi

Francesca Paci, la Stampa, 08.10.07. L'assassinio di Rami Khader Ayyad, il libraio cristiano responsabile della libreria della Società Biblica Palestinese di Gaza, accende i riflettori su una situazione che i cristiani palestinesi, per paura, si affannano a definire "tranquilla". Il problema non è solo Gaza. A Betlemme le ragazze cristiane vengono considerate "facili" e approcciate volgarmente. A Taybeh, vicino Ramallah, i cristiani non vendono la terra ai musulmani e si fregiano d'essere l'ultimo villaggio palestinese cristiano al cento per cento. A Nablus Ibrahim preferisce tenere a casa la catenina con il crocifisso e la data di battesimo. A Gaza poi, dopo la vittoria di Hamas, le pochissime chiese si sono svuotate e i cristiani si raccomandano di non essere citati nei reportage giornalistici. Eppure, alla richiesta esplicita, tutti negano. "Siamo fratelli, palestinesi, stesso popolo", ripetono. La verità emerge dai gesti, uno scatto nervoso se il giornalista chiede il nome, l'atteggiamento furtivo, la clandestinità religiosa in un contesto dove la religione è identità da esibire. Come in una catacomba contemporanea. Adesso i leader di Hamas a Gaza si affrettano a condannare l'assassinio del libraio di Gaza, ma l'aria è pesantissima e lo sanno. Un'aria da prima della pioggia.

AT-TUWANI REFLECTION: Water

Demonstration of how to build a dew catcher.

Eileen Hanson, Christian Peacemaker Teams, 07.10.07. Life on the edge of the Negev desert has never been easy. Water has always been scarce. But people have been living here for thousands of years and have developed ways of living to meet the challenges of the environment. But things have changed in recent years. Twenty years ago the settlement of Ma'on was established on land belonging to families living in Tuwani. Many of the cisterns traditionally used by families from Tuwani and neighboring villages have been taken over by settlers. Palestinians are either physically unable to access them, or fear violence if they approach what was once their family's land and cistern. The settlement of Ma'on with its green manicured lawns, irrigated fields and orchards, draws water from the underground aquifer that supplies this entire area. The Tuwani village well is low because the aquifer is getting lower and lower by the year. Ma'on settler use of water is completely out of tune with the environment here. Worst of all, it is destroying the possibilities for others to sustain even the simplest life here. Settlers refuse to admit that they are living on the edge of the desert and adapt accordingly. Water trucks are a very visible target. Other villages have had roads blocked, or trucks attacked and been unable to get water to the village. A difficult situation becomes even more complex when having to consider that your neighbors might ambush your family's water supply.

Living on the edge of the Negev desert, water is a major concern here. Normally the winter rains fill cisterns in the area, which supply water through the dry summer months. People use cistern water for watering their flocks as well as for household cleaning and bathing. The well is the village source for drinking water. All the cisterns are empty now, and the well is very low.

Many families have already brought in a truck of water to fill their cistern. However many others probably cannot afford to do this. The men of Tuwani and a number of surrounding villages met this morning to discuss the situation.

Life in this area has never been easy. Water has always been scarce. But people have been living here for thousands of years and have developed ways of living to meet the challenges of the environment.

But things have changed in recent years. Twenty years ago the settlement of Ma'on was established on land belonging to families living in Tuwani. Many of the cisterns traditionally used by families from Tuwani and neighboring villages have been taken over by settlers. Palestinians are either physically unable to access them, or fear violence if they approach what was once their family's land and cistern.

The settlement of Ma'on with its green manicured lawns, irrigated fields and orchards, draws water from the underground aquifer that supplies this entire area. The Tuwani village well is low because the aquifer is getting lower and lower by the year.

This is not an uncommon story. Throughout the West Bank, settlements are taking the lion's share of water, leaving Palestinians with scarce resources. Some estimates of settler water usage are as high as 8 or 9 to 1 compared with Palestinians water use. Many other villages in the Hebron district are also experiencing serious water shortages. It is clear just by looking as the contrasting lifestyles of Tuwani and the settlers at Ma'on that settler use of water is completely out of tune with the environment here. Worst of all, it is destroying the possibilities for others to sustain even the simplest life here.

People in Tuwani do not want water to fill up swimming pools. They simply want enough water for their flocks and their families to have enough to drink and bathe. Local Palestinians continue to live a life close to the land and respectful of the resources. It is the settlers who refuse to admit that they are living on the edge of the desert and adapt accordingly.

The lack of water is also a real concern here in part because it presents yet another vulnerability of Palestinians to the occupying powers, the Israeli military and the Israeli settlers. Perhaps Palestinian villagers can band together and buy water to provide enough until the rains come in November or December. But water trucks are a very visible target. Other villages have had roads blocked, or trucks attacked and been unable to get water to the village. A difficult situation becomes even more complex when having to consider that your neighbors might ambush your family's water supply.

Christian Peacemaker Teams is an ecumenical initiative to support violence reduction efforts around the world. To learn more about CPT's peacemaking work, visit our website www.cpt.org Photos of our projects are at www.cpt.org/gallery A map of the center of Hebron is at http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/fullMaps_Sa.nsf/0/5618737E38C0B3DE8525708C004BA584/$File/ocha_OTS_hebron_oPt010805.pdf?OpenElement The same map is the last page of this report on closures in Hebron: www.humanitarianinfo.org/opt/docs/UN/OCHA/ochaHU0705_En.pdf


bilin palestine One kid 11 years old was aressted

domenica 7 ottobre 2007

Rice's rabbit hole

Caroline Glick, THE JERUSALEM POST, 05/10/07. US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice is moving boldly down the rabbit hole. Next week, Rice is due back in the Middle East for meetings in Jerusalem and Ramallah. The purpose of her upcoming visit, like her previous ones, will be to pressure the Olmert government and the Fatah terror organization to reach "substantive agreements" that she'll be able to present to the world at her peace summit in Maryland next month.

Given that since the failed Camp David summit in 2000 the Palestinians have yet to make one substantive concession to Israel, it is clear that the only way the upcoming conference can succeed in advancing peace is if the Palestinians make some dramatic concession to Israel.

The only reason that Abbas remains in power in Judea and Samaria is because the IDF is maintaining security there.

Rice forced Israel to agree to have US Lt.-Gen. Keith Dayton train and arm Fatah forces in Gaza. That disastrous plan led to the indirect US arming of Hamas when Fatah forces surrendered their weapons to Hamas without a fight in June.

An Israeli surrender of Judea, Samaria and parts of Jerusalem will divest Israel of the ability to defend itself.


Gaza kids don't play


Children in Gaza don't play hide 'n seek Photo: AFP
Roy Peled, ynetnews, 03/10/07. According to army, children killed by IDF are part of Palestinian war machine. When Palestinian children are killed in what the IDF refers to as "Qassam-launching sites," the explanation is that "the Palestinians are well aware that those are areas they must not enter." Yet "forbidden areas" have been arbitrarily defined by Israel and attributed to dozens of square kilometers in the Gaza Strip. Contrary to common perception, many Palestinians have no idea where these border lines are. Children who walk around the sand dunes in the afternoon certainly have no idea. And an update: As this article was being published, the IDF investigation showed that the three Palestinian kids who were killed were playing catch. Imagine that. Palestinians? Catch? Children? The surprises just never end.

"Palestinian children are not made up of the same fabric as Israeli children, who at times walk around for fun and at times look for dangerous adventures, mostly due to boredom. When a Palestinian child is killed by the IDF, he certainly did something very wrong.The Palestinians make cynical use of children" – according to the IDF, the children killed in Gaza this past week arrived at the scene for one of two reasons: Either they were part of a particularly young terror cell, or they were sent there by terror groups as human shields.

And an update: As this article was being published, the IDF investigation showed that the three Palestinian kids who were killed were playing catch. Imagine that. Palestinians? Catch? Children? The surprises just never end.

The writer is a member of the Meretz directorate

Internal unrest in Gaza continues as a Christian stabbed to death

Rami Almeghari, IMEMC & Agencies, 07/10/07. A Christian Palestinian has been found stabbed to death on Sunday morning in central Gaza city; one day after he was announced disappeared. Rami Ayyad, 32, and owner of the ‘Bible book’ store in Gaza, has been reportedly received threats by unidentified bodies before, while his shop has been exposed to more than one attack during factional infighting in Gaza between Hamas and Fatah.

Relations between Muslim Palestinians and approximately 3,200 Christians, mainly Greek Orthodox, have ever been described stable and good, even after the Islamist Hamas movement has taken over the coastal region in mid June.

Ehab Alghosain, spokesman of the Hamas-dominated government’s interior ministry, described the murder as a ‘crime’ and said his ministry has launched an investigation.

In the meantime, the Hamas-led police forces in Gaza arrested on Sunday three Palestinians, after they have been spotted, while planting explosive devices on the sea road in Khan Younis city, police sources claimed.

In the northern Gaza Strip town of Jabalya, the police said three other people have been caught, while planting a booby-trapped bomb in the town.

On a related note, the interior ministry warned of cracking down strongly on those proved to be involved in stealing locals’ cars, after a series of reports has recently revealed car burglary in Gaza.

Parallel lives

Dalia Karpel, Haaretz Magazine excerpts, 06/10/07. Some junior commanders encouraged the brutality and even endorsed it. "After two months in Rafah a [new] commanding officer arrived ... So we do a first patrol with him. It's 6 A.M., Rafah is under curfew, there isn't so much as a dog in the streets. Only a little boy of four playing in the sand. He is building a castle in his yard. He [the officer] suddenly starts running and we all run with him. He was from the combat engineers. We all run with him. He grabbed the boy. Nufar, I am a degenerate if I am not telling you the truth. He broke his hand here at the wrist. Broke his hand at the wrist, broke his leg here. And started to stomp on his stomach, three times, and left. We are all there, jaws dropping, looking at him in shock ... The next day I go out with him on another patrol, and the soldiers are already starting to do the same thing."

There were some tough soldiers who developed an ideology holding that even minor events necessitated a brutal response. "A 3-year-old kid, he can't throw, he can't hurt you no matter what he does, but a kid of 19 can. With women I have no problem. With women, one threw a clog at me and I kicked her here [pointing to the crotch], I broke everything there. She can't have children. Next time she won't throw clogs at me. When one of them [a woman] spat at me I gave her the rifle butt in the face. She doesn't have what to spit with anymore."

An incident that fomented a crisis began when a squad commander from the hard-hearted group maltreated three bound teenagers. A soldier of conscience summoned another squad commander who was a paramedic. He told Yishai-Karin that by the time help arrived the three Palestinian boys were already "completely covered with blood, their clothes were saturated with blood and they were shaking with fear. Their hands were tied and they were afraid to move, they were on their knees."

"Ash'har Company, which was drafted before us, was a deviant, extreme unit at the human level. The absence of supervision from the commanding level left its mark on them, and things they did before we arrived were extreme. Take the story about the boy and the kick to the crotch, for example".

The reality of the situation and the fraternity of fighters prompted some of them to cover up for their friends, even if they stole from homes where they conducted searches or sexually harassed or provoked Arab women. Some of the soldiers were singled out in the study as "prone to being led" - that is, they were swept up in the wake of their officers and buddies - and there were some who had never lifted a hand against anyone before their army service. "The moment the red line is broken, it is not just broken, it is smashed to smithereens, and from that moment everything is permitted," one soldier testified.

His mother said last week: "He matured and changed in the army. I sent a nice kibbutznik and I got back an Arab-hater."

'Our job was to hit them'

Mohammed al-Dura lives on

Gideon Levy, Haaretz, 07/10/07. All of these are tasteless questions [of who killed al-Dura] designed to divert attention from the truly important issues: According to data collected by human rights group B'Tselem, Israel is responsible for killing more than 850 Palestinian children and teenagers since al-Dura was killed, including 92 in the past year alone. Last October, we killed 31 children in Gaza. If Israel were really interested in improving its "public relations," it would embrace the al-Dura family instead of all the foolish investigations. It would provide compensation to the family and show the world that it is truly and sincerely sorry about the death of one child. But even if there is some doubt, it is certain that the IDF has killed and is killing children. So this ridiculous focus on who killed al-Dura, a question that will never be resolved, is no more than a tempest in a putrid teapot. There should be a tempest, a great and mighty one, but one focused on an entirely different issue: Why is the IDF continuing to kill children at such a frightening pace, and why doesn't Israel take responsibility for this and compensate the families of those killed? But no one is conducting "investigations" about this.


The concern Israel demonstrates for the fate of one Palestinian boy touches the heart: Again, note what a fuss is being made about the case of the killing of Mohammed al-Dura. Our heart is impervious to the fate of other children who have been killed. Just little Mohammed continues to haunt us. But the question of who killed al-Dura is not important. And maybe he is even alive, as some eccentrics claim. Perhaps he committed suicide, as the strange investigations are liable to suggest.

All of these are tasteless questions designed to divert attention from the truly important issues: According to data collected by human rights group B'Tselem, Israel is responsible for killing more than 850 Palestinian children and teenagers since al-Dura was killed, including 92 in the past year alone. Last October, we killed 31 children in Gaza. This is what should have raised a storm and not the measurements by the former head of the Israel Defense Forces' Southern Command, Yom Tov Samiyeh, aimed at proving that his soldiers did not kill al-Dura, or the "investigations" by the physicist Nahum Shahaf. In an eccentric obsession, Shahaf has devoted the past years to this affair, after previously having also obtained "amazing material" on the murder of Yitzhak Rabin.

Al-Dura refuses to step down from the stage because he has become an icon of the Palestinian struggle and a symbol of Israeli brutality. A thousand Nahum Shahafs will not succeed in blurring the unequivocal fact that a scandalous killing of children is taking place in the territories.

Even if the director of the Government Press Office, Danny Seaman, is right in determining that the film made by the reliable and experienced French journalist Charles Enderlin was "staged," and even if he succeeds in clearing Israel from responsibility for this killing, what will we say about the other children who have been killed? That their killing was also "staged?" That the IDF did not kill them through carelessness and contempt for their lives; by being trigger-happy and even acting with premeditation? If Israel were really interested in improving its "public relations," it would embrace the al-Dura family instead of all the foolish investigations. It would provide compensation to the family and show the world that it is truly and sincerely sorry about the death of one child.

The question of who killed al-Dura is like the question of what Joseph Trumpeldor mumbled before his death. The myth in both cases is already stronger than any investigation. Al-Dura became a symbol because his killing was documented on videotape. All the other hundreds of children were killed without cameras present, so no one is interested in their fate. If there had been a camera in Bushara Barjis' room in the Jenin refugee camp while she was studying for a pre-matriculation test, we would have a film showing an IDF sniper firing a bullet at her head. If there had been a photographer near Jamal Jabaji from the Askar camp, we would see soldiers emerging from an armored jeep and aiming their weapons at the head of a child who threw stones at them. But these children did not become symbols; there are no stamps bearing their portraits, no streets named after them and no songs composed for them as with al-Dura because they were not filmed at the time of their deaths.

Al-Dura became a symbol because every struggle needs a symbol, a shrine for the masses of dead and the anonymous heroes. The assumption that the IDF soldiers firing at Palestinians at the Netzarim junction killed the boy cradled in his father's arms exactly seven years ago is the most reasonable one. As far as we can remember, there has been no other case in which Palestinians fired at the IDF and hit a Palestinian child.

But even if there is some doubt, it is certain that the IDF has killed and is killing children. So this ridiculous focus on who killed al-Dura, a question that will never be resolved, is no more than a tempest in a putrid teapot. There should be a tempest, a great and mighty one, but one focused on an entirely different issue: Why is the IDF continuing to kill children at such a frightening pace, and why doesn't Israel take responsibility for this and compensate the families of those killed? But no one is conducting "investigations" about this.


Palestinian students trapped in Gaza

Guardian, 05/10/07. We find it deeply ironic, given the recent heated debate on the proposed academic boycott of Israeli universities by the UCU (Report, September 29), that the Israeli supreme court on October 2 ruled that Kahled al-Mudallal, a Bradford University student, cannot leave Gaza and return to his studies in the UK. We hope the voices that criticised the boycott and called so vociferously for preserving academic freedom and promoting dialogue will lend their support to those of us calling on the Israeli government to reverse the supreme court decision, and on the UK government to do all in its power to support the human rights of students like Kahled.

This is not just an issue of academic freedom, important though that is, but is a flagrant breach of a fundamental human right to education. This judgment undermines both academic freedom and the very possibility of constructive dialogue across communities.
Sarah Perrigo,
Dr Mandy Turner,
Prof Jenny Pearce,
Prof Mike Pugh,
Prof Donna Pankhurst,
Prof Nana Poku,
Valentina Bartolucci and 10 others

Department of peace studies, University of Bradford

The right to education is a human right as stated in the UN universal declaration of human rights. Khaled al-Mudallal is one of hundreds of Palestinian students who are currently unable to leave Gaza to begin the new academic year. The British government should do everything in its power to ensure that Israel lifts the restrictions that are preventing Khaled and other students leaving Gaza to complete their education.
Richard Burden MP
Gemma Tumelty President, NUS
Sally Hunt General secretary, UCU
Ruqayyah Collector NUS Black Students' Campaign
Dan Judelson Jews for Justice for Palestinians
Professor Irene Bruegel
Betty Hunter Palestine Solidarity Campaign
Professor Lynne Segal
Richard Kuper

Support Khaled Mudallal's right to education!

sabato 6 ottobre 2007

Bil'in 5.10.2007

A shameful silence

Priyamvada Gopal, Guardian, 05/10/07. The organisation we look to for the protection of free speech has shut down debate on Palestine . Announcing that the proposed boycott of links with Israeli universities would be illegal, the University and College Union asserted that debates related to the topic under its auspices would also be "unlawful". On the basis of last week's legal opinion (the details of which remain shrouded in mystery), the union's leadership has summarily cancelled public debates to have been attended by "legitimate representatives of organisations from both Israel and Palestine". How, in an apparently democratic context, can it be "unlawful" to discuss an issue or possible action? Are discussions of economic sanctions against, say, Burma illegal? What about sanctions against Hamas-led Palestine? It is a particular travesty when such a blatant attack on civil rights comes from the very organisation members expect would defend them were they to be harassed for their scholarly opinions.

The move comes at a time when academic freedom cannot be taken for granted. In the US, it is under increasing assault from within and outside academia. Even as freedom of speech is invoked as the great western value to be spread across the globe, by force if necessary, its limits are marked by two unbreachable taboos: anti-Americanism, and criticism of the Israeli state and its occupation of Palestine. Organisations such as Campus Watch monitor what academics write and teach, compile blacklists and attempt to shut down debate, despite their claim to support free speech. Respected scholars who have faced campaigns include Columbia University's Middle East specialist Joseph Massad, who was accused and then cleared of anti-semitism; outspoken Michigan professor Juan Cole; and Norman Finkelstein, refused tenure and forced to resign after DePaul University came under external pressure. Most recently, Archbishop Desmond Tutu was banned by the University of St Thomas in Minnesota because of his stance on Israel/Palestine.

Dissenting Jewish academics are themselves the target of what Professors Stephen Walt and John Mearsheimer call "the Israel lobby". These authors, by no means anti-American radicals, came under fire simply for attempting to open discussion on US-Israel relations.

Though encomiums to free speech underpin displays of civilisational superiority by America and other western polities, it is undermined in practice by flagrant breaches of academic integrity and protocol. It is impossible to imagine a white European or American head of state, even an authoritarian such as Putin, being described in the demeaning way that the Columbia University president Lee Bollinger introduced Iran's Mahmoud Ahmadinejad - as "a petty and cruel dictator". The same Bollinger was president when the investigation of Massad and other scholars took place. There is no excuse for inviting an elected leader to talk at your university only to undermine him as lacking in "intellectual courage" before he has had a chance to speak. It's called a set-up.

The UCU leadership's call for constructive engagement over a divisive boycott is looking like a set-up, too. Sadly, the pressure exerted by people identified as part of the Israel lobby - including the Harvard lawyer Alan Dershowitz, who is quick to denounce criticism of Israeli policy as anti-semitic (never mind if it comes from Jewish intellectuals as well) - has succeeded in shutting down discussion, let alone criticism, of the Palestinians. Is silence the only constructive approach to the Palestinian question?

Writers and intellectuals have a moral obligation to criticise violations of human rights and freedom wherever they occur - Iran, Zimbabwe, Burma, Guantánamo or South Africa. The military occupation of Palestine should be no exception. Whatever their views on boycotts, academics must not allow such persistent exceptionalism to suppress debate in an organisation expected to defend, not undermine, their right to freedom of speech and engagement.

· Priyamvada Gopal teaches in the English faculty at Cambridge University
pg268@cam.ac.uk

Havot Ma'on settlers attack CPTers, steal video camera

Christian Peacemaker Teams, 28/09/07. Settlers from the Havot Ma'on outpost attacked CPTers accompanying shepherds in Khoruba valley near Tuwani village. Four CPTers were accompanying two young shepherds and their sheep on a hill between Khoruba and Mashakha valleys. Shortly after 7 am, fifteen settlers emerged from the trees of Havot Ma'on outpost, most of them clad in white robes and shawls. Three young settlers shouted and cursed as they chased the CPTers, shepherds and sheep down into Khoruba valley. The three settlers began throwing stones once they approached two of the CPTers. One settler attempted to grab a CPT video camera, while another threatened, "You come back here and we kill you." The settlers wrapped their robes around their faces and continued to throw stones. A settler successfully seized the video camera from one CPTer, and retreated. The CPTers demanded the return of the camera. One settler responded, "You go now and you go with your life."

After leaving the immediate area, the CPTers notified the police and continued to accompany shepherds on Khoruba Hill. An army jeep and police car arrived 40 minutes later, and two CPTers reported the details of the incident. One CPTer traveled with the police to Kiryat Arba police station to file testimony for a formal complaint. The investigation is pending, though police admitted that it is difficult to investigate during the Sukkoth holidays.

Christian Peacemaker Teams is an ecumenical initiative to support violence reduction efforts around the world. To learn more about CPT's peacemaking work, visit our website www.cpt.org Photos of our projects are at www.cpt.org/

gallery A map of the center of Hebron is at http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/fullMaps_Sa.nsf/0/5618737E38C0B3DE8525708C004BA584/$File/ocha_OTS_hebron_oPt010805.pdf?OpenElement The same map is the last page of this report on closures in Hebron: www.humanitarianinfo.org/opt/docs/UN/OCHA/ochaHU0705_En.pdf

Mirror, mirror on the wall

Saleh Al-Naami, Al-Ahram Weekly, 04-10/10/07. Fatah confronts itself in Gaza, and it's not a pretty picture. Hassan Zarqi, a 29-year-old officer in the Gaza security forces and supporter of Fatah, had previously participated in all protest actions against Hamas, but last Wednesday could not avoid participating in a demonstration against the Fayyad government itself after the government stopped paying his salary and that of 10,000 other members of the security forces, most of whom belong to Fatah. The sudden decision of the Fayyad government to stop paying the salaries of thousands of those in the security agencies caused embarrassment for its collective leadership in the Gaza Strip. Ahmed Halas, a prominent leader, says that he and his colleagues submitted a mass resignation to Abu Mazen in his capacity as the head of Fatah.

What has made matters even more critical for Fatah leaders in Gaza is the fact that oppression of the Hamas movement in the West Bank by the security agencies of Abu Mazen takes place in full coordination with the Israeli security agencies. Fatah leaders in Gaza have been stunned by the response of their allies in Palestinian leftist movements that used to line up behind them to confront Hamas and who are now demanding an explanation for the organised oppression of Hamas in the West Bank and the cooperation of Prime Minister Fayyad with Israeli security forces.

Al-Sheikh Khalil stressed that they realise the movement's leadership in Ramallah has decided to move to bloody confrontation with Hamas through a plan based on bombings and other disruptions of the Hamas regime in Gaza. As such, the movement's leadership has decided to disappear from the arena before this plan is carried out so that it is not held responsible by Hamas and subjected to legal questioning.

Yehia Moussa, deputy head of the Hamas parliamentary bloc in the Palestinian Legislative Council, holds that the Fatah leadership in Gaza was "forced" to present its resignation and that this "confirms the absence of a democratic process within the movement". He accuses the Fatah leadership in Ramallah of "appealing to personal considerations and abandoning Gaza in all of its political components."

«Sono stanco di Israele»



David Grossman, A.B. Yehoshua, Amos Oz alla conferenza stampa dove, insieme a altri intellettuali e scrittori israeliani, hanno invitato ilgoverno israeliano a intavolare trattative con Hamas. «Dobbiamo fare tutto quello che è in nostro potere per evitare spargimento di sangue, anche se questo comporta trattare con organizzazioni ostili come Hamas. Non sarebbe la prima volta. Nel corso della storia abbiamo negoziato il "cessate il fuoco" anche con la Giordania o con l´Olp, quando né la Giordania né l´Olp riconoscevano Israele. Non mi faccio illusioni su quello che è Hamas, ma si deve tentare. È in gioco la sofferenza della popolazione. La destra ci accusa di ingenuità, ma noi pensiamo che sia giusto così. Prima o poi lo capiranno tutti».


Simonetta Fiori, la Repubblica, 06.10.07. Vuole vedere il mare, Abraham B. Yehoshua, appena arrivato in Sardegna. Come se vi cercasse quiete da una vita in affanno. «Talvolta mi sento come il personaggio di Geremia, uno dei protagonisti del mio nuovo romanzo. Anche lui ha settant´anni, a un certo momento decide di chiudere con Israele, con l´identità ebraica, con l´ingombrante carico di angosce, distruzione, dolore, profezie d´ira che quella storia antichissima porta con sé. La nostra esistenza è ritmata dalle tragedie e dai conflitti, antichi e contemporanei: come vivere costantemente nel cuore d´una fiamma».

Sente anche Yehoshua il bisogno di prendersi una pausa. Appassionato, spettinato, ampio gesticolare, un fisico esuberante, lo scrittore simbolo della complessità ebraica cerca sollievo in quella stessa terra che accolse lo scorso anno il suo amico Grossman dopo la morte del figlio («Per David fu come balsamo su una devastante ferita appena aperta»). E´ ospite del Festival di letteratura per ragazzi, si muove curioso tra gli scaffali della libreria Tuttestorie che l´ha organizzato. Sembra avere uno sguardo affettuoso per tutti, a cominciare dalla moglie psicoanalista che gli sta sempre accanto. Con l´Italia ha un rapporto speciale: l´anno venturo la Scala ospiterà un´opera lirica ispirata da Viaggio alla fine del millennio e una coproduzione italo-israeliana sta preparando un film tratto da Il responsabile delle risorse umane, con la regia di Eran Riklis, l´autore di La sposa siriana.
Un sentimento di stanchezza, malinconia ferita, pervade anche il nuovo romanzo in corso di traduzione da Einaudi (uscirà in febbraio). S´intitola Fuoco amico e al centro vi è una morte insensata, la stessa che ispira il titolo: un giovane soldato israeliano ucciso per sbaglio dal mitra di un commilitone. Il padre Geremia cerca di dare un senso a questa morte dissennata, andando a ritroso sulle tracce del figlio morto in Cisgiordania. Scoprirà che la tragedia è scaturita da una sciocchezza, ma come sempre accade nei romanzi di Yehoshua nel dettaglio si nasconde la straordinaria potenza del simbolo. Anche in Fuoco amico si riverberano i grandi temi di Yehoshua: il matrimonio, la religione, l´amore, la guerra, l´ebraismo, la politica, più semplicemente la vita.
Yehoshua, nel suo romanzo c´è un padre che tenta di dare un senso alla morte del figlio. Il pensiero corre al suo amico Grossman.
«Ho cominciato a scrivere Fuoco amico molto prima della tragedia di Uri. La scomparsa di quel ragazzo per me è stata uno shock. Avevamo entrambi, io e David, due figli in guerra, ma il mio non era al fronte, il suo sì. Così avevo l´abitudine di telefonare a casa Grossman ogni giorno. Fino a quella domenica, quando la moglie Ruth mi disse che Uri non c´era più. La sua morte è divenuta un simbolo della sofferenza degli israeliani. Probabilmente su questa tragedia David scriverà il suo romanzo. Ma il mio libro racconta un´altra morte, avvenuta sotto il fuoco amico».
C´è qualcosa di metaforico in questa uccisione del soldato per mano d´un suo commilitone? Alcuni recensori in Israele vi hanno letto la capacità degli israeliani di far del male a loro stessi.
«Mi piacerebbe rispondessero i lettori italiani. A me interessa la poetica del romanzo, il suo impianto complessivo, che obbliga chi legge a connessioni altrimenti impensabili. Questo è un po´ il senso della letteratura».
Fuoco amico è costruito su un duetto, un dialogo a distanza tra marito e moglie.
«Sì, il marito è un ingegnere sessantenne che si occupa della pianificazione di ascensori, la moglie è un´insegnante di inglese che nei giorni di Hannuchà lascia Israele per andare a trovare in Tanzania il cognato Geremia, padre del soldato ucciso. La vicenda si svolge nell´arco d´una settimana. Il lettore segue parallelamente la vita del marito e la vita della moglie, ritratti in paragrafi distinti e omogenei, che di entrambi i personaggi raccontano una giornata o una sola ora. Questo mi ha permesso di mettere in relazione cose sideralmente distanti».
Ad esempio?
«L´ingegnere ha problemi con la costruzione di un ascensore a Tel Aviv. Parallelamente la moglie incontra in Africa una giovane donna che è un´animista, immersa nella vita degli spiriti. A un certo punto si crea come un cortocircuito tra il rumore di tempesta che l´ingegnere avverte dentro l´abitacolo d´un ascensore e l´inquietante frusciare degli spiriti in Tanzania. E´ il potere alchemico della letteratura, che mescola e unisce realtà lontane. E´ la scintilla che spesso scaturisce nei miei romanzi dall´incontro con il diverso».
Non c´è niente di più distante tra Israele e l´Africa. Geremia sceglie di vivere in Tanzania in segno di rottura radicale rispetto alla propria identità. Cosa significa questa fuga? Nasce da una stanchezza che lei sente diffusa nel suo paese?
«Non so se sia uno stato d´animo diffuso, so però che questa grande fatica l´avverto dentro di me. Geremia ha settant´anni, è schiacciato da un carico di dilemmi, guerre, catastrofi, nefaste profezie, minacce di distruzione. A un certo punto dice: basta, voglio riposare, merito anche io una vacanza».
È questo il suo stato d´animo?
«Sì, non si può vivere costantemente sotto il vulcano. Prima l´Olocausto, ora il pericolo incarnato nell´Iran. E poi la complessità ebraica, i conflitti interni. In me come in altri c´è una forte componente di stanchezza».
Il personaggio si chiama Geremia, come il profeta.
«Non è un caso. Ci ricorda quanto la profezia sia segnata dall´ira e dalla catastrofe e come di essa ci si nutra come dal latte materno. Basta, anche io voglio riposare».
Anche in questo suo ultimo romanzo al centro c´è una relazione coniugale. Da L´Amante a Un divorzio tardivo a La sposa liberata, il tema del matrimonio attraversa significativamente tutti i suoi lavori. Perché questo interesse, direi quasi ossessione?
«Sono persuaso che le relazioni tra un uomo e una donna siano tra le più difficili e impegnative, proprio perché si possono rompere in un attimo. Questo le rende uniche: non puoi certo recidere una relazione tra una madre e un figlio, o tra un padre e la sua prole. Il matrimonio richiede nutrizione costante, soluzione calibrata di continui dilemmi morali. E´ ciò che mi affascina, e m´induce a farne un simbolo esteso a questioni politiche e sociali».
A proposito di dilemmi morali, nei scorsi giorni la sua firma è comparsa in un appello rivolto a Olmert perché tratti con Hamas.
«Dobbiamo fare tutto quello che è in nostro potere per evitare spargimento di sangue, anche se questo comporta trattare con organizzazioni ostili come Hamas. Non sarebbe la prima volta. Nel corso della storia abbiamo negoziato il "cessate il fuoco" anche con la Giordania o con l´Olp, quando né la Giordania né l´Olp riconoscevano Israele. Non mi faccio illusioni su quello che è Hamas, ma si deve tentare. È in gioco la sofferenza della popolazione. La destra ci accusa di ingenuità, ma noi pensiamo che sia giusto così. Prima o poi lo capiranno tutti».