sabato 6 ottobre 2007
A shameful silence
Priyamvada Gopal, Guardian, 05/10/07. The organisation we look to for the protection of free speech has shut down debate on Palestine . Announcing that the proposed boycott of links with Israeli universities would be illegal, the University and College Union asserted that debates related to the topic under its auspices would also be "unlawful". On the basis of last week's legal opinion (the details of which remain shrouded in mystery), the union's leadership has summarily cancelled public debates to have been attended by "legitimate representatives of organisations from both Israel and Palestine". How, in an apparently democratic context, can it be "unlawful" to discuss an issue or possible action? Are discussions of economic sanctions against, say, Burma illegal? What about sanctions against Hamas-led Palestine? It is a particular travesty when such a blatant attack on civil rights comes from the very organisation members expect would defend them were they to be harassed for their scholarly opinions.
The move comes at a time when academic freedom cannot be taken for granted. In the US, it is under increasing assault from within and outside academia. Even as freedom of speech is invoked as the great western value to be spread across the globe, by force if necessary, its limits are marked by two unbreachable taboos: anti-Americanism, and criticism of the Israeli state and its occupation of Palestine. Organisations such as Campus Watch monitor what academics write and teach, compile blacklists and attempt to shut down debate, despite their claim to support free speech. Respected scholars who have faced campaigns include Columbia University's Middle East specialist Joseph Massad, who was accused and then cleared of anti-semitism; outspoken Michigan professor Juan Cole; and Norman Finkelstein, refused tenure and forced to resign after DePaul University came under external pressure. Most recently, Archbishop Desmond Tutu was banned by the University of St Thomas in Minnesota because of his stance on Israel/Palestine.
The move comes at a time when academic freedom cannot be taken for granted. In the US, it is under increasing assault from within and outside academia. Even as freedom of speech is invoked as the great western value to be spread across the globe, by force if necessary, its limits are marked by two unbreachable taboos: anti-Americanism, and criticism of the Israeli state and its occupation of Palestine. Organisations such as Campus Watch monitor what academics write and teach, compile blacklists and attempt to shut down debate, despite their claim to support free speech. Respected scholars who have faced campaigns include Columbia University's Middle East specialist Joseph Massad, who was accused and then cleared of anti-semitism; outspoken Michigan professor Juan Cole; and Norman Finkelstein, refused tenure and forced to resign after DePaul University came under external pressure. Most recently, Archbishop Desmond Tutu was banned by the University of St Thomas in Minnesota because of his stance on Israel/Palestine.
Dissenting Jewish academics are themselves the target of what Professors Stephen Walt and John Mearsheimer call "the Israel lobby". These authors, by no means anti-American radicals, came under fire simply for attempting to open discussion on US-Israel relations.
Though encomiums to free speech underpin displays of civilisational superiority by America and other western polities, it is undermined in practice by flagrant breaches of academic integrity and protocol. It is impossible to imagine a white European or American head of state, even an authoritarian such as Putin, being described in the demeaning way that the Columbia University president Lee Bollinger introduced Iran's Mahmoud Ahmadinejad - as "a petty and cruel dictator". The same Bollinger was president when the investigation of Massad and other scholars took place. There is no excuse for inviting an elected leader to talk at your university only to undermine him as lacking in "intellectual courage" before he has had a chance to speak. It's called a set-up.
The UCU leadership's call for constructive engagement over a divisive boycott is looking like a set-up, too. Sadly, the pressure exerted by people identified as part of the Israel lobby - including the Harvard lawyer Alan Dershowitz, who is quick to denounce criticism of Israeli policy as anti-semitic (never mind if it comes from Jewish intellectuals as well) - has succeeded in shutting down discussion, let alone criticism, of the Palestinians. Is silence the only constructive approach to the Palestinian question?
Writers and intellectuals have a moral obligation to criticise violations of human rights and freedom wherever they occur - Iran, Zimbabwe, Burma, Guantánamo or South Africa. The military occupation of Palestine should be no exception. Whatever their views on boycotts, academics must not allow such persistent exceptionalism to suppress debate in an organisation expected to defend, not undermine, their right to freedom of speech and engagement.
· Priyamvada Gopal teaches in the English faculty at Cambridge University
pg268@cam.ac.uk
Havot Ma'on settlers attack CPTers, steal video camera
Christian Peacemaker Teams, 28/09/07. Settlers from the Havot Ma'on outpost attacked CPTers accompanying shepherds in Khoruba valley near Tuwani village. Four CPTers were accompanying two young shepherds and their sheep on a hill between Khoruba and Mashakha valleys. Shortly after 7 am, fifteen settlers emerged from the trees of Havot Ma'on outpost, most of them clad in white robes and shawls. Three young settlers shouted and cursed as they chased the CPTers, shepherds and sheep down into Khoruba valley. The three settlers began throwing stones once they approached two of the CPTers. One settler attempted to grab a CPT video camera, while another threatened, "You come back here and we kill you." The settlers wrapped their robes around their faces and continued to throw stones. A settler successfully seized the video camera from one CPTer, and retreated. The CPTers demanded the return of the camera. One settler responded, "You go now and you go with your life."
After leaving the immediate area, the CPTers notified the police and continued to accompany shepherds on Khoruba Hill. An army jeep and police car arrived 40 minutes later, and two CPTers reported the details of the incident. One CPTer traveled with the police to Kiryat Arba police station to file testimony for a formal complaint. The investigation is pending, though police admitted that it is difficult to investigate during the Sukkoth holidays.
Christian Peacemaker Teams is an ecumenical initiative to support violence reduction efforts around the world. To learn more about CPT's peacemaking work, visit our website www.cpt.org Photos of our projects are at www.cpt.org/
After leaving the immediate area, the CPTers notified the police and continued to accompany shepherds on Khoruba Hill. An army jeep and police car arrived 40 minutes later, and two CPTers reported the details of the incident. One CPTer traveled with the police to Kiryat Arba police station to file testimony for a formal complaint. The investigation is pending, though police admitted that it is difficult to investigate during the Sukkoth holidays.
Christian Peacemaker Teams is an ecumenical initiative to support violence reduction efforts around the world. To learn more about CPT's peacemaking work, visit our website www.cpt.org Photos of our projects are at www.cpt.org/
Mirror, mirror on the wall
Saleh Al-Naami, Al-Ahram Weekly, 04-10/10/07. Fatah confronts itself in Gaza, and it's not a pretty picture. Hassan Zarqi, a 29-year-old officer in the Gaza security forces and supporter of Fatah, had previously participated in all protest actions against Hamas, but last Wednesday could not avoid participating in a demonstration against the Fayyad government itself after the government stopped paying his salary and that of 10,000 other members of the security forces, most of whom belong to Fatah. The sudden decision of the Fayyad government to stop paying the salaries of thousands of those in the security agencies caused embarrassment for its collective leadership in the Gaza Strip. Ahmed Halas, a prominent leader, says that he and his colleagues submitted a mass resignation to Abu Mazen in his capacity as the head of Fatah.
What has made matters even more critical for Fatah leaders in Gaza is the fact that oppression of the Hamas movement in the West Bank by the security agencies of Abu Mazen takes place in full coordination with the Israeli security agencies. Fatah leaders in Gaza have been stunned by the response of their allies in Palestinian leftist movements that used to line up behind them to confront Hamas and who are now demanding an explanation for the organised oppression of Hamas in the West Bank and the cooperation of Prime Minister Fayyad with Israeli security forces.
Al-Sheikh Khalil stressed that they realise the movement's leadership in Ramallah has decided to move to bloody confrontation with Hamas through a plan based on bombings and other disruptions of the Hamas regime in Gaza. As such, the movement's leadership has decided to disappear from the arena before this plan is carried out so that it is not held responsible by Hamas and subjected to legal questioning.
Yehia Moussa, deputy head of the Hamas parliamentary bloc in the Palestinian Legislative Council, holds that the Fatah leadership in Gaza was "forced" to present its resignation and that this "confirms the absence of a democratic process within the movement". He accuses the Fatah leadership in Ramallah of "appealing to personal considerations and abandoning Gaza in all of its political components."
What has made matters even more critical for Fatah leaders in Gaza is the fact that oppression of the Hamas movement in the West Bank by the security agencies of Abu Mazen takes place in full coordination with the Israeli security agencies. Fatah leaders in Gaza have been stunned by the response of their allies in Palestinian leftist movements that used to line up behind them to confront Hamas and who are now demanding an explanation for the organised oppression of Hamas in the West Bank and the cooperation of Prime Minister Fayyad with Israeli security forces.
Al-Sheikh Khalil stressed that they realise the movement's leadership in Ramallah has decided to move to bloody confrontation with Hamas through a plan based on bombings and other disruptions of the Hamas regime in Gaza. As such, the movement's leadership has decided to disappear from the arena before this plan is carried out so that it is not held responsible by Hamas and subjected to legal questioning.
Yehia Moussa, deputy head of the Hamas parliamentary bloc in the Palestinian Legislative Council, holds that the Fatah leadership in Gaza was "forced" to present its resignation and that this "confirms the absence of a democratic process within the movement". He accuses the Fatah leadership in Ramallah of "appealing to personal considerations and abandoning Gaza in all of its political components."
«Sono stanco di Israele»
David Grossman, A.B. Yehoshua, Amos Oz alla conferenza stampa dove, insieme a altri intellettuali e scrittori israeliani, hanno invitato ilgoverno israeliano a intavolare trattative con Hamas. «Dobbiamo fare tutto quello che è in nostro potere per evitare spargimento di sangue, anche se questo comporta trattare con organizzazioni ostili come Hamas. Non sarebbe la prima volta. Nel corso della storia abbiamo negoziato il "cessate il fuoco" anche con la Giordania o con l´Olp, quando né la Giordania né l´Olp riconoscevano Israele. Non mi faccio illusioni su quello che è Hamas, ma si deve tentare. È in gioco la sofferenza della popolazione. La destra ci accusa di ingenuità, ma noi pensiamo che sia giusto così. Prima o poi lo capiranno tutti».
Simonetta Fiori, la Repubblica, 06.10.07. Vuole vedere il mare, Abraham B. Yehoshua, appena arrivato in Sardegna. Come se vi cercasse quiete da una vita in affanno. «Talvolta mi sento come il personaggio di Geremia, uno dei protagonisti del mio nuovo romanzo. Anche lui ha settant´anni, a un certo momento decide di chiudere con Israele, con l´identità ebraica, con l´ingombrante carico di angosce, distruzione, dolore, profezie d´ira che quella storia antichissima porta con sé. La nostra esistenza è ritmata dalle tragedie e dai conflitti, antichi e contemporanei: come vivere costantemente nel cuore d´una fiamma».
Sente anche Yehoshua il bisogno di prendersi una pausa. Appassionato, spettinato, ampio gesticolare, un fisico esuberante, lo scrittore simbolo della complessità ebraica cerca sollievo in quella stessa terra che accolse lo scorso anno il suo amico Grossman dopo la morte del figlio («Per David fu come balsamo su una devastante ferita appena aperta»). E´ ospite del Festival di letteratura per ragazzi, si muove curioso tra gli scaffali della libreria Tuttestorie che l´ha organizzato. Sembra avere uno sguardo affettuoso per tutti, a cominciare dalla moglie psicoanalista che gli sta sempre accanto. Con l´Italia ha un rapporto speciale: l´anno venturo la Scala ospiterà un´opera lirica ispirata da Viaggio alla fine del millennio e una coproduzione italo-israeliana sta preparando un film tratto da Il responsabile delle risorse umane, con la regia di Eran Riklis, l´autore di La sposa siriana.
Un sentimento di stanchezza, malinconia ferita, pervade anche il nuovo romanzo in corso di traduzione da Einaudi (uscirà in febbraio). S´intitola Fuoco amico e al centro vi è una morte insensata, la stessa che ispira il titolo: un giovane soldato israeliano ucciso per sbaglio dal mitra di un commilitone. Il padre Geremia cerca di dare un senso a questa morte dissennata, andando a ritroso sulle tracce del figlio morto in Cisgiordania. Scoprirà che la tragedia è scaturita da una sciocchezza, ma come sempre accade nei romanzi di Yehoshua nel dettaglio si nasconde la straordinaria potenza del simbolo. Anche in Fuoco amico si riverberano i grandi temi di Yehoshua: il matrimonio, la religione, l´amore, la guerra, l´ebraismo, la politica, più semplicemente la vita.
Yehoshua, nel suo romanzo c´è un padre che tenta di dare un senso alla morte del figlio. Il pensiero corre al suo amico Grossman.
«Ho cominciato a scrivere Fuoco amico molto prima della tragedia di Uri. La scomparsa di quel ragazzo per me è stata uno shock. Avevamo entrambi, io e David, due figli in guerra, ma il mio non era al fronte, il suo sì. Così avevo l´abitudine di telefonare a casa Grossman ogni giorno. Fino a quella domenica, quando la moglie Ruth mi disse che Uri non c´era più. La sua morte è divenuta un simbolo della sofferenza degli israeliani. Probabilmente su questa tragedia David scriverà il suo romanzo. Ma il mio libro racconta un´altra morte, avvenuta sotto il fuoco amico».
C´è qualcosa di metaforico in questa uccisione del soldato per mano d´un suo commilitone? Alcuni recensori in Israele vi hanno letto la capacità degli israeliani di far del male a loro stessi.
«Mi piacerebbe rispondessero i lettori italiani. A me interessa la poetica del romanzo, il suo impianto complessivo, che obbliga chi legge a connessioni altrimenti impensabili. Questo è un po´ il senso della letteratura».
Fuoco amico è costruito su un duetto, un dialogo a distanza tra marito e moglie.
«Sì, il marito è un ingegnere sessantenne che si occupa della pianificazione di ascensori, la moglie è un´insegnante di inglese che nei giorni di Hannuchà lascia Israele per andare a trovare in Tanzania il cognato Geremia, padre del soldato ucciso. La vicenda si svolge nell´arco d´una settimana. Il lettore segue parallelamente la vita del marito e la vita della moglie, ritratti in paragrafi distinti e omogenei, che di entrambi i personaggi raccontano una giornata o una sola ora. Questo mi ha permesso di mettere in relazione cose sideralmente distanti».
Ad esempio?
«L´ingegnere ha problemi con la costruzione di un ascensore a Tel Aviv. Parallelamente la moglie incontra in Africa una giovane donna che è un´animista, immersa nella vita degli spiriti. A un certo punto si crea come un cortocircuito tra il rumore di tempesta che l´ingegnere avverte dentro l´abitacolo d´un ascensore e l´inquietante frusciare degli spiriti in Tanzania. E´ il potere alchemico della letteratura, che mescola e unisce realtà lontane. E´ la scintilla che spesso scaturisce nei miei romanzi dall´incontro con il diverso».
Non c´è niente di più distante tra Israele e l´Africa. Geremia sceglie di vivere in Tanzania in segno di rottura radicale rispetto alla propria identità. Cosa significa questa fuga? Nasce da una stanchezza che lei sente diffusa nel suo paese?
«Non so se sia uno stato d´animo diffuso, so però che questa grande fatica l´avverto dentro di me. Geremia ha settant´anni, è schiacciato da un carico di dilemmi, guerre, catastrofi, nefaste profezie, minacce di distruzione. A un certo punto dice: basta, voglio riposare, merito anche io una vacanza».
È questo il suo stato d´animo?
«Sì, non si può vivere costantemente sotto il vulcano. Prima l´Olocausto, ora il pericolo incarnato nell´Iran. E poi la complessità ebraica, i conflitti interni. In me come in altri c´è una forte componente di stanchezza».
Il personaggio si chiama Geremia, come il profeta.
«Non è un caso. Ci ricorda quanto la profezia sia segnata dall´ira e dalla catastrofe e come di essa ci si nutra come dal latte materno. Basta, anche io voglio riposare».
Anche in questo suo ultimo romanzo al centro c´è una relazione coniugale. Da L´Amante a Un divorzio tardivo a La sposa liberata, il tema del matrimonio attraversa significativamente tutti i suoi lavori. Perché questo interesse, direi quasi ossessione?
«Sono persuaso che le relazioni tra un uomo e una donna siano tra le più difficili e impegnative, proprio perché si possono rompere in un attimo. Questo le rende uniche: non puoi certo recidere una relazione tra una madre e un figlio, o tra un padre e la sua prole. Il matrimonio richiede nutrizione costante, soluzione calibrata di continui dilemmi morali. E´ ciò che mi affascina, e m´induce a farne un simbolo esteso a questioni politiche e sociali».
A proposito di dilemmi morali, nei scorsi giorni la sua firma è comparsa in un appello rivolto a Olmert perché tratti con Hamas.
«Dobbiamo fare tutto quello che è in nostro potere per evitare spargimento di sangue, anche se questo comporta trattare con organizzazioni ostili come Hamas. Non sarebbe la prima volta. Nel corso della storia abbiamo negoziato il "cessate il fuoco" anche con la Giordania o con l´Olp, quando né la Giordania né l´Olp riconoscevano Israele. Non mi faccio illusioni su quello che è Hamas, ma si deve tentare. È in gioco la sofferenza della popolazione. La destra ci accusa di ingenuità, ma noi pensiamo che sia giusto così. Prima o poi lo capiranno tutti».
Un sentimento di stanchezza, malinconia ferita, pervade anche il nuovo romanzo in corso di traduzione da Einaudi (uscirà in febbraio). S´intitola Fuoco amico e al centro vi è una morte insensata, la stessa che ispira il titolo: un giovane soldato israeliano ucciso per sbaglio dal mitra di un commilitone. Il padre Geremia cerca di dare un senso a questa morte dissennata, andando a ritroso sulle tracce del figlio morto in Cisgiordania. Scoprirà che la tragedia è scaturita da una sciocchezza, ma come sempre accade nei romanzi di Yehoshua nel dettaglio si nasconde la straordinaria potenza del simbolo. Anche in Fuoco amico si riverberano i grandi temi di Yehoshua: il matrimonio, la religione, l´amore, la guerra, l´ebraismo, la politica, più semplicemente la vita.
Yehoshua, nel suo romanzo c´è un padre che tenta di dare un senso alla morte del figlio. Il pensiero corre al suo amico Grossman.
«Ho cominciato a scrivere Fuoco amico molto prima della tragedia di Uri. La scomparsa di quel ragazzo per me è stata uno shock. Avevamo entrambi, io e David, due figli in guerra, ma il mio non era al fronte, il suo sì. Così avevo l´abitudine di telefonare a casa Grossman ogni giorno. Fino a quella domenica, quando la moglie Ruth mi disse che Uri non c´era più. La sua morte è divenuta un simbolo della sofferenza degli israeliani. Probabilmente su questa tragedia David scriverà il suo romanzo. Ma il mio libro racconta un´altra morte, avvenuta sotto il fuoco amico».
C´è qualcosa di metaforico in questa uccisione del soldato per mano d´un suo commilitone? Alcuni recensori in Israele vi hanno letto la capacità degli israeliani di far del male a loro stessi.
«Mi piacerebbe rispondessero i lettori italiani. A me interessa la poetica del romanzo, il suo impianto complessivo, che obbliga chi legge a connessioni altrimenti impensabili. Questo è un po´ il senso della letteratura».
Fuoco amico è costruito su un duetto, un dialogo a distanza tra marito e moglie.
«Sì, il marito è un ingegnere sessantenne che si occupa della pianificazione di ascensori, la moglie è un´insegnante di inglese che nei giorni di Hannuchà lascia Israele per andare a trovare in Tanzania il cognato Geremia, padre del soldato ucciso. La vicenda si svolge nell´arco d´una settimana. Il lettore segue parallelamente la vita del marito e la vita della moglie, ritratti in paragrafi distinti e omogenei, che di entrambi i personaggi raccontano una giornata o una sola ora. Questo mi ha permesso di mettere in relazione cose sideralmente distanti».
Ad esempio?
«L´ingegnere ha problemi con la costruzione di un ascensore a Tel Aviv. Parallelamente la moglie incontra in Africa una giovane donna che è un´animista, immersa nella vita degli spiriti. A un certo punto si crea come un cortocircuito tra il rumore di tempesta che l´ingegnere avverte dentro l´abitacolo d´un ascensore e l´inquietante frusciare degli spiriti in Tanzania. E´ il potere alchemico della letteratura, che mescola e unisce realtà lontane. E´ la scintilla che spesso scaturisce nei miei romanzi dall´incontro con il diverso».
Non c´è niente di più distante tra Israele e l´Africa. Geremia sceglie di vivere in Tanzania in segno di rottura radicale rispetto alla propria identità. Cosa significa questa fuga? Nasce da una stanchezza che lei sente diffusa nel suo paese?
«Non so se sia uno stato d´animo diffuso, so però che questa grande fatica l´avverto dentro di me. Geremia ha settant´anni, è schiacciato da un carico di dilemmi, guerre, catastrofi, nefaste profezie, minacce di distruzione. A un certo punto dice: basta, voglio riposare, merito anche io una vacanza».
È questo il suo stato d´animo?
«Sì, non si può vivere costantemente sotto il vulcano. Prima l´Olocausto, ora il pericolo incarnato nell´Iran. E poi la complessità ebraica, i conflitti interni. In me come in altri c´è una forte componente di stanchezza».
Il personaggio si chiama Geremia, come il profeta.
«Non è un caso. Ci ricorda quanto la profezia sia segnata dall´ira e dalla catastrofe e come di essa ci si nutra come dal latte materno. Basta, anche io voglio riposare».
Anche in questo suo ultimo romanzo al centro c´è una relazione coniugale. Da L´Amante a Un divorzio tardivo a La sposa liberata, il tema del matrimonio attraversa significativamente tutti i suoi lavori. Perché questo interesse, direi quasi ossessione?
«Sono persuaso che le relazioni tra un uomo e una donna siano tra le più difficili e impegnative, proprio perché si possono rompere in un attimo. Questo le rende uniche: non puoi certo recidere una relazione tra una madre e un figlio, o tra un padre e la sua prole. Il matrimonio richiede nutrizione costante, soluzione calibrata di continui dilemmi morali. E´ ciò che mi affascina, e m´induce a farne un simbolo esteso a questioni politiche e sociali».
A proposito di dilemmi morali, nei scorsi giorni la sua firma è comparsa in un appello rivolto a Olmert perché tratti con Hamas.
«Dobbiamo fare tutto quello che è in nostro potere per evitare spargimento di sangue, anche se questo comporta trattare con organizzazioni ostili come Hamas. Non sarebbe la prima volta. Nel corso della storia abbiamo negoziato il "cessate il fuoco" anche con la Giordania o con l´Olp, quando né la Giordania né l´Olp riconoscevano Israele. Non mi faccio illusioni su quello che è Hamas, ma si deve tentare. È in gioco la sofferenza della popolazione. La destra ci accusa di ingenuità, ma noi pensiamo che sia giusto così. Prima o poi lo capiranno tutti».
venerdì 5 ottobre 2007
A PCHR Special Issue on the 7th Anniversary of the al-Aqsa Intifada. The Intifada Enters Its Eighth Year and Criminals Remain Free of Punishment
PCHR Weekly Report: On Israeli Human Rights Violations in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, 27.09-03.10.07. This report coincides with the 7th anniversary of the eruption of the al-Aqsa Intifada, which broke out following the former Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon’s provocative visit to al-Aqsa Mosque (the Holy Sanctuary) in occupied Jerusalem. Over the last 7 years, Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF) have perpetrated grave breaches of international law, including war crimes, against Palestinian civilians, in a manner unprecedented since 1967. The international community has remained silent and the High Contracting Parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 failed to meet their obligations to ensure respect for the Convention in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) and provide protection for Palestinian civilians. The international silence has served to encourage the Israeli government and its occupation forces to perpetrate more war crimes with impunity against Palestinian civilians.
Over the past 7 years, IOF have employed its full-fledged arsenal against Palestinian civilians and property in the OPT. IOF have also attacked medical crews and journalists and killed and wounded a number of them. PCHR believes that the international failure to punish Israeli war criminals to apply the Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War of 1949 in the OPT is a form of permission for more killings.
The 7th year of the Intifada has been the worst for the Gaza Strip. IOF hand continued to impose a total siege on the Gaza Strip, isolating it from the outside world, and forcing nearly 1.5 million Palestinians to live in a big jail under severe humanitarian conditions. IOF closed all border crossing of the Gaza Strip following Hamas’ takeover of the Gaza Strip on 14 June 2007. Israeli policy peaked with declaring the Gaza Strip as “an enemy entity.” Although such declaration does not bring any new, as IOF have effectively dealt with the Gaza Strip as an enemy entity, it implies more sanctions against the Palestinian civilian population. IOF have allowed the entry of limited food and medical supplies into the Gaza Strip. The total siege imposed on the Gaza Strip has impacted all aspects of life in the Gaza Strip and has violated Palestinian economic and social rights. Moreover, IOF have continued to prevent Palestinians from the Gaza Strip from travelling to religious sites in Jerusalem. They have only allowed a few number of Christians to travel to the West Bank during Christian occasions.
In the West Bank, IOF have continued to construct the Annexation Wall in violation of international law and humanitarian law and the Advisory Opinion issued by the International Court of Justice on 9 July 2004, which considers the Wall illegal.
In the 7th year of the Intifadah, IOF have continued to move into Palestinian communities and kill and arrest Palestinian civilians. IOF have also continued to impose severe restrictions on internal movement inside the West Bank. They have divided the West Bank into 5 separate partitions through a network of checkpoints and barriers. They are currently at least 40 permanent checkpoints and at least 15 temporary ones in the West Bank. These figures do not include checkpoints erected along the border between the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. IOF have also closed scores of roads with barriers, including sand hills, cement blocks, iron gates and trenches. By the end of 7th year of the Intifada, the number of checkpoints in the West Bank has been 546.
IOF have maintained policies aimed at the Judaization of Jerusalem. They have continued to construct the Annexation Wall around the city and take a series of measures against its Palestinian population. They have cut off the city from its Palestinian surroundings and expanded settlements around the town.
In the 7th year of the Intifada, 470 Palestinians, including 344 civilians (73%) have been killed by IOF. The number of civilian victims includes 81 children (23%) and 14 women (3.5%). In the Gaza Strip alone, 365 Palestinians, including 262 civilians, have been killed by IOF. According to PCHR's documentation, 83 Palestinians have been extra-judicially executed by IOF (34.5% of the total number of civilian victims). This number includes 72 targeted persons and 11 civilian bystanders. Also during the 7th year of the Intifada, IOF killed 2 medical personnel and a journalist. In addition, a Palestinian civilian was killed by an Israeli settler.
By the end of the 6th year of the al-Aqsa Intifada, 4,329 Palestinians, including 3,413 civilians (79%), have been killed. These figures include 724 children (22%) and 119 women (3.5%). In the Gaza Strip alone, 2,502 Palestinians, including 1,779 civilians, have been killed by IOF. According to PCHR's documentation, 668 Palestinians have been extra-judicially executed by IOF (19.6% of the total number of civilian victims). This number includes 448 targeted persons and 220 civilian bystanders, including 73 children.
A table showing those killed during the al-Aqsa Intifada from
29 September 2000 to 28 September 2007
| Context | Total | 7th year |
| Palestinians killed in attacks by Israeli occupying forces, settlers and Israeli police in the West Bank, Gaza Strip and inside Israel | 4,329, including 3,413 civilians | 470, including 344 civilians |
| Palestinians killed in the West Bank | 1,827, including 1,634 civilians | 105, including 82 civilians |
| Palestinians killed in Gaza Strip | 2,502, including 1,779 civilians | 365, including 262 civilians |
| Children killed | 805 | 81 |
| Children killed in the Gaza Strip | 488 | 58 |
| Children killed in the West Bank | 317 | 23 |
| Females killed | 138 | 19 |
| Females killed in the Gaza Strip | 74 | 16 |
| Females killed in the West Bank | 64 | 3 |
| Palestinians killed in extra-judicial executions | 448, including 220 civilian bystanders (73 of them are children) | 83, including 11 civilian bystanders |
| Medical personnel killed | 21 | 2 |
| Journalists killed | 10 | 0 |
| Civilians killed in settler attacks | 46 | 1 |
* In addition, 80 Palestinian civilians, including 19 children and 26 women, have died at military checkpoints and border crossing due to the obstruction by IOF of their access to medical care.
A table showing those who have been wounded during the al-Aqsa Intifada from
29 September 2000 to 28 September 2007[1]
| Area | Total | 7th year |
| Gaza Strip | 11,000 | 1,000 |
| West Bank | 13,345 | 418 |
| Total | 2,345 | 1,418 |
A table showing land levelling, house demolitions and destruction to industrial and educational facilities in the Gaza Strip during the al-Aqsa Intifada,
from 29 September 2000 to 28 September 2007
The seven years of the al-Aqsa Intifada have been characterized by the following Israeli military attacks:
· Prolonged Incursions and redeployment into Palestinian Authority controlled areas.
· Massive killings and destruction of houses and civilian property.
· Extra-judicial executions against Palestinian activists and political leaders, the most significant of which targeted Abu Ali Mustafa, Secretary-General of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine; Sheikh Ahmed Yassin, the founder and leader of Hamas; and his successor, Dr. ‘Abdul ‘Aziz al-Rantissi.
· Destruction of the Palestinian economy and the structure of the Palestinian Authority through the destruction of civil and security facilities.
· Using Palestinian civilians as human shields during military operations in the OPT.
· Closing Rafah International Crossing Point and other border crossings of the Gaza Strip.
· Chasing fishermen and depriving them of their sources of income.
· Storming Jericho Prison and arresting senior political leaders.
· Humiliation of Palestinian at military checkpoints.
· Deaths of dozens of people due to the obstruction of their access to hospitals.
· Deportation of a number of Palestinian activists.
· Continued construction of the Annexation Wall inside the West Bank territory, in a challenge for the advisory opinion issued by the International Court of Justice, which considered the construction of the wall illegal.
· Wilful killing of Palestinian civilians.
· Indiscriminate shelling of Palestinian civilian residential areas using various forms of weaponry, including warplanes, tanks and machine guns.
· Collective punishment of Palestinian civilians, denying them their basic human rights, including the rights of health, education, freedom of movement and work, through imposing a tightened siege on the OPT.
· Transformation of Erez crossing into an international border crossing between the Gaza Strip and Israel.
· Transformation of Qalandya checkpoint into an international border crossing between the West Bank and Israel.
· Arbitrary arrests and placing Palestinians in administrative detention.
· Closure of a number of charitable societies in the West Bank.
· Systematic attacks by Israeli settlers against Palestinian civilians.
Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF) Continue Systematic Attacks on Palestinian Civilians and Property in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT)
· 4 Palestinians, including one civilian, were killed by IOF in the Gaza Strip.
· One of the victims was extra-judicially executed by IOF.
· 12 Palestinians, including 2 children and a journalist, were wounded by IOF.
· IOF conducted 21 incursions into Palestinian communities in the West Bank and 3 ones into the Gaza Strip.
· IOF arrested 25 Palestinian civilians in the West Bank and 2 ones in the Gaza Strip.
· IOF have closed the Ibrahimi Mosque in Hebron during the holy Ramadan Month for 6 sporadic days.
· IOF have continued to impose a total siege on the OPT.
· IOF have isolated the Gaza Strip from the outside world and a humanitarian crisis has emerged.
· Palestinian civilians from the West Bank and the Gaza Strip have been denied access to the al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem.
· IOF troops arrested 8 Palestinian civilians, including a child, at checkpoints in the West Bank.
· IOF have continued settlement activities in the West Bank and Israeli settlers have continued to attacks Palestinian civilians and property.
· IOF started to level land in Jerusalem to establish a metro network.
· Israeli settlers stormed some areas in Hebron and Nablus.
Israël poursuit le maillage routier des colonies juives en Cisjordanie
Michel Bôle-Richard, Le Monde, 06/10/07. En sortant du bloc de colonies de Goush Etzion, au sud de Bethléem, la route 60, le grand axe qui traverse la Cisjordanie du nord au sud, serpente entre les villages palestiniens avant d'atteindre la périphérie d'Hébron. Afin de remédier à cet inconvénient, les autorités israéliennes ont décidé de construire une nouvelle route, sur 8 kilomètres, qui, à l'avenir, permettra de rattacher la région d'Hébron à Goush Etzion. Les colons pourront ainsi librement circuler sur cette nouvelle voie. Les Palestiniens, eux, devront emprunter l'ancienne route 60. Le projet, déjà existant mais qui vient d'être réactivé à la demande des colons, inquiète énormément les populations palestiniennes situées sur le tronçon, car l'accès à leurs terres sera entravé et leur liberté de circulation réduite. "Pour moi, cela s'appelle l'apartheid. Tout cela est la preuve de ce que les Israéliens n'abandonneront jamais la Cisjordanie. Ils considèrent que c'est à eux, et les colons disent que nous n'aurons jamais la paix, que notre place est en Jordanie", raconte, début octobre, Saïd Madheh, enseignant en retraite. Il explique également qu'il n'a plus accès à ses terres, à proximité de la colonie de Karmi Zur. "Elle ne cesse de s'étendre et si, demain, cette nouvelle route est construite, toute cette région fertile sera coupée en deux. L'objectif est de relier les colonies entre elles en laissant les Palestiniens de côté", ajoute-t-il. Article paru dans l'édition du 06.10.07.
CONFISCATION DE TERRES
En effet, les habitants craignent qu'à l'avenir, la route 60 soit coupée à l'entrée de Goush Etzion et qu'ils soient contraints d'emprunter la petite route 356 pour se rendre à Bethléem et à Jérusalem : ce qui constitue un énorme détour, sur une route étroite et accidentée.
La "60 bis", large de 20 m, gèlera de fait une section de 160 m de large, soit 326 hectares de cultures, selon les chiffres fournis par l'OCHA, l'Office de coordination des affaires humanitaires de l'ONU. Au passage, elle empiétera sur un site archéologique, occupera une partie du cimetière du camp de réfugiés d'Al-Arrub, écornera une réserve naturelle, sectionnera les champs d'une école agricole, contraindra à démolir plusieurs maisons, et coupera une quinzaine de chemins agricoles permettant d'exploiter les cultures. Des tunnels sont prévus, mais les paysans craignent qu'ils ne soient pas suffisamment larges et leur compliquent la vie pour se rendre sur leurs champs. Un immense pont surélevé est prévu à la hauteur du camp d'Al-Arrub. Ce qui inquiète énormément Issa Abu Kheiran, le responsable de ce camp de réfugiés de 7 000 personnes. "Des centaines d'arbres ont déjà été coupés. La route va passer tout près de l'école secondaire. Les gens commencent à se mobiliser. Ils veulent nous encercler. Ils ne veulent pas que l'on construise, que l'on cultive nos terres. Nous ne nous laisserons pas faire", dit-il.
Des responsables de la municipalité d'Halhul ont saisi la justice israélienne lorsque des ordres de confiscation de terres ont été notifiés. Une audition a eu lieu le 22 juillet. Le tribunal a demandé qu'une enquête approfondie soit effectuée afin de lui permettre de statuer. Moussa Makhamreh, l'avocat, s'efforce de recueillir des témoignages pour dénoncer ce projet.
Hussein Mourab, ingénieur de Halhul, explique que cette nouvelle route est un désastre pour la région et qu'il faut reconsidérer son bien-fondé et sa conception. Mais il est clair que la "60 bis" n'a d'autre objectif que de désenclaver les colonies de Migdal Oz et de Karmi Zur ainsi que de permettre aux colons de Kiryat Arba, à proximité d'Hébron, de circuler en toute tranquillité sur les terres de Judée et de rejoindre Goush Etzion et Jérusalem sans côtoyer de Palestiniens.
Michel Bôle-Richard
Osama Hamdan, leader di Hamas in Libano: Il diritto al ritorno
Milena Nebbia, peace reporter, 03.\0.07. “Gli israeliani non accettano uno stato palestinese, quindi non si va verso la possibilità di un reale accordo, specie sulla questione del diritto al ritorno. Non possiamo parlare dei diritti dei palestinesi senza parlare dei rifugiati e del diritto al ritorno nella loro patria. Un filo di dialogo sembra ancora possibile, ma non ci sarà né sicurezza né stabilità senza il diritto al ritorno. Questo diritto può essere ottenuto con mezzi politici pacifici attraverso un accordo o dalla resistenza. Il governo di Abu Mazen a Ramallah rappresenta una parte del popolo, lui non rifiuta mai di incontrare Olmert, ma rifiuta di parlare con noi, finchè non si dialoga tra di noi mi pare difficile un dialogo con Israele. C’è un’ultima opportunità: l’unione tra palestinesi per negoziare la creazione di uno Stato all’interno dei confini del 1967, il ritorno dei profughi e la fine delle colonie”.
Incontriamo Osama Hamdan, leader di Hamas in Libano, nel campo profughi palestinese di Borj Al Barajneh, nella periferia meridionale di Beirut. E’ uno di quelli duramente colpiti dall’offensiva israeliana del luglio 2006: 35mila abitanti, disoccupazione all’80 percento, la gente per lo più vive alla giornata, i giovani imbracciano il fucile o bighellonano. Si percepisce tensione. Troppe armi in giro: i fatti di Nahr el-Bared hanno creato uno stato di allarme.
Una crisi dura. Hamdan riceve la delegazione italiana del comitato “Per non dimenticare Sabra e Chatila” nel cortile di una scuola elementare del campo. Inevitabile che il discorso cada subito sulla situazione interna al governo palestinese.
Una crisi dura. Hamdan riceve la delegazione italiana del comitato “Per non dimenticare Sabra e Chatila” nel cortile di una scuola elementare del campo. Inevitabile che il discorso cada subito sulla situazione interna al governo palestinese.
“Bisogna prima capire le ragioni che ci hanno portato a questa crisi interna - dice - le elezioni del 2006 hanno cambiato la realtà palestinese: la Resistenza ha avuto il diritto di governare il popolo palestinese, questo naturalmente è stato difficile da accettare da parte di chi ha governato per quarant’anni. Una parte di questi, insieme ad alcuni ufficiali della sicurezza, tra i quali il colonnello Mohammed Dahlan (ex Ministro dell’Interno di Abu Mazen, poi cacciato dalla stanze di potere, e vero capo di Fatah a Gaza) si è legata ad Israele per contrastare la forza di Hamas. Dopo quindici mesi dalle elezioni, queste persone hanno tentato un golpe contro la democrazia, senza peraltro riuscirci. E questo malgrado gli accordi della Mecca degli inizi del 2007 (accordi del febbraio 2007 tra Hamas e Fatah che sembravano poter preludere ad una distensione tra le due forze politiche e che si sperava potessero fermare la spirale di violenza nella Striscia di Gaza e avviare negoziati con Israele n.d.r.). Ma questa parte non ha voluto ascoltare ragioni: hanno finanziamenti dall’amministrazione americana per armamenti e munizioni. Era necessario assumere un’ iniziativa per proteggere la democrazia”.
Il lungo tunnel. Come uscire da questa crisi? “Tornare all’accordo. Ricostruire il sistema politico palestinese, decidere come gestire la lotta con Israele, ricostruire i mezzi di sicurezza palestinesi, che non appartengano a una sola parte, con professionisti non politicizzati, riabilitare l’immagine dei palestinesi, anche quella della diaspora (che ha riguardato più della metà del nostro popolo). Si dovrebbe realizzare un congresso nazionale palestinese...invece, specie a Gaza, sono presenti diverse fazioni. Noi volevamo un coordinamento tra le diverse anime, aspiravamo ad un’azione unica palestinese per affrontare Israele…”.
Il lungo tunnel. Come uscire da questa crisi? “Tornare all’accordo. Ricostruire il sistema politico palestinese, decidere come gestire la lotta con Israele, ricostruire i mezzi di sicurezza palestinesi, che non appartengano a una sola parte, con professionisti non politicizzati, riabilitare l’immagine dei palestinesi, anche quella della diaspora (che ha riguardato più della metà del nostro popolo). Si dovrebbe realizzare un congresso nazionale palestinese...invece, specie a Gaza, sono presenti diverse fazioni. Noi volevamo un coordinamento tra le diverse anime, aspiravamo ad un’azione unica palestinese per affrontare Israele…”.
| La pace è lontana. Quali sarebbero le condizioni per una tregua con gli israeliani? “Gli israeliani non accettano uno stato palestinese, quindi non si va verso la possibilità di un reale accordo, specie sulla questione del diritto al ritorno. Non possiamo parlare dei diritti dei palestinesi senza parlare dei rifugiati e del diritto al ritorno nella loro patria. Un filo di dialogo sembra ancora possibile, ma non ci sarà né sicurezza né stabilità senza il diritto al ritorno. Questo diritto può essere ottenuto con mezzi politici pacifici attraverso un accordo o dalla resistenza. Il governo di Abu Mazen a Ramallah rappresenta una parte del popolo, lui non rifiuta mai di incontrare Olmert, ma rifiuta di parlare con noi, finchè non si dialoga tra di noi mi pare difficile un dialogo con Israele. La leadership di Arafat aveva riconosciuto Israele, ma cosa ha fatto Israele per i palestinesi, ha forse riconosciuto il diritto al ritorno? No, ha solo accerchiato Arafat nella Mukata appoggiando le correnti di Fatah che volevano rovesciarlo. Israele non ha sfruttato quell’opportunità. Ora c’è un’ultima opportunità: l’unione tra palestinesi per negoziare la creazione di uno Stato all’interno dei confini del 1967, il ritorno dei profughi e la fine delle colonie”. Il suo parere sui fatti del campo di Nahr El-Bared? “Il popolo palestinese non c’entra con Nahl el Bared, ma tutto il mondo incolpa noi. Questi terroristi non appartengono al tessuto sociale e politico palestinese, per questo sono andati via”. |
Israeli Violations against the Palestinian Environment
Cornerstone, Issue 45, Summer 2007. The prolonged years of the Israeli Occupation have converted large areas in the OPT to deserts. Indicators of desertification appear clearly in the Eastern Slopes. The closure of 85% of these zones by the Israeli Occupying Authorities for military purposes, has led to severe overgrazing of the remaining area accessible to the Palestinian livestock herders. Overgrazing has resulted in the loss of the vegetation cover, soil
erosion, and intensive desertification. Throughout the Israeli Occupation since 1967, Israeli policies have clearly ignored Palestinian environmental interests. Israel continues to damage the Palestinian environment with the construction of many “industrial zone” settlements, of which there are at least 13, occupying an area of approximately 980 hectares in the West Bank (ARIJ, GIS database 2007).
full text
IN THIS ISSUE
“All Things Bright and Beautiful...”
by: Naim Ateek
Israeli Violations against the Palestinian Environment
by: Jad Isaac
Promoting Environmental Issues in Education
Traditional landscapes of Palestine
by: Sami Backleh
Occupied Water... Thirsty People
by: Fadia Daibes-Murad
The Art of Observation
by: Jill Dampier-Need
Let’s Create a Peace Tapestry
by: Marijke Egelie-Smulders
The Impact of the Israeli Occupation on Palestine’s
Environment
by: Simon Awad
General E-mail: sabeel@sabeel.org; Local Programs: community@sabeel.org; Clergy Program: clergy@sabeel.org;
Friends of Sabeel: world@sabeel.org; Youth Program: youth@sabeel.org; Public Relations: pr@sabeel.or
erosion, and intensive desertification. Throughout the Israeli Occupation since 1967, Israeli policies have clearly ignored Palestinian environmental interests. Israel continues to damage the Palestinian environment with the construction of many “industrial zone” settlements, of which there are at least 13, occupying an area of approximately 980 hectares in the West Bank (ARIJ, GIS database 2007).
These industrial zone settlements are located in Jenin, Salfit, Jericho, Ramallah, Nablus, Qalqilya, Jerusalem and Hebron. Alarming consequences can be seen in three
Palestinian villages: Sarta, Kafr Ed Deik and Barqan, located in the Nablus governorate, which are subjected to industrial wastewater from the Barqan industrial zone. The discharged industrial wastewater passes through their agricultural land, damaging planted fields. It also
affects water resources, accumulating in lagoons which spread different diseases and cause health and environmental hazards.
Israeli transgressions against legally binding environmental responsibilities can also be found in its burial of hazardous solid waste on Palestinian lands. According to the Environment Quality Authority (EQA) report in March 2006, Israeli authorities are still smuggling solid waste and poisonous substances from industry inside Israel into the OPT, particularly into the southern part of the West Bank. The Israelis have also designated special waste disposal locations on Palestinian land. In 2005 there was an attempt to designate the Abu Shusha brickbreaker factory as a waste disposal site.
Furthermore, Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF) have used Palestinian lands for the burial of zinc, nickel, radioactive substances and industrial waste for many years. There are also fears that Israel buried nuclear materials to the east of Yatta village. Other nuclear radiation concerns include Israeli nuclear experiments at Al-Aqaba Gulf area and the use of depleted Uranium during the Al-Aqsa Intifada 2000 (EQA, 2006).
Settlers’ violations against
Palestinians environment
Wadi Foqin village is located near Bethlehem, less than a kilometer from the Armistice Line (border between the OPT and Israel). Today, the village of Wadi Foqin has approximately 1343 residents (PCBS 2007), and is a blossoming place famous for its agricultural products. Such products play a crucial role in the economy of the village. The mountainous lands of Wadi Foqin also provide the villagers with good grazing areas and open spaces to utilize.
Wadi Foqin has suffered as a community since 1948, and when it lost much of its lands inside the 1949 Armistice Line. Today Wadi Foqin is surrounded by two illegal Israeli settlements: Hadar Betar to the east and Betar Illit to the southeast. The two settlements were established on lands originally owned by Palestinians, and occupy about 12% of the village’s total area (4.35 km2).
Settlers living in Betar Illit and Hadar Betar often behave violently towards the people of Wadi Foqin and the nearby Palestinian villages. The Israeli settlers hinder villagers from utilizing their lands that are located in the vicinity of the settlements. Settlers have uprooted more than 575 trees (ARIJ Database, 2006), and destroyed the field crops by pumping wastewater from the settlements into the cultivated land of the village. Such attacks have caused tremendous economic loss and health problems to the inhabitants of Wadi Foqin.
Confiscation orders continued to be issued by the Israeli authorities. Recently, the IOF handed out 12 military orders stating the seizure of 885 dunums [885 000 square meter] of agricultural lands. Additionally, the residents of Wadi Foqin were notified about military orders to demolish 7 water wells and walls, uproot several olive, almond, and vine trees. According to the Wadi
Foqin Village Council, the military orders will confiscate land, 13 rainwater systems, one water well and six water springs. The well and the water springs are used for drinking, husbandry and irrigation purposes.
Villagers of Wadi Foqin fear that if these military orders are implemented, they will no longer be able to access their lands, water wells and springs. This would lead to agricultural and economic losses since the village depends on agriculture. Vegetables and crops will be affected because of
water shortage and the unavailability of irrigation systems.
Israel continues construction of the segregation wall in and around Wadi Foqin. The construction of the segregation wall is having a major impact on the people living in the village and their environment. The segregation wall will destroy highly valuable irrigated agricultural land and
uproot olive and other crop trees. The area of the Israeli segregation wall will also threaten the natural and biodiversity resources of the different ecological zones. The segregation wall has significant repercussions for wildlife movement by adding to the fragmentation of ecosystems and habitats and by cutting the natural ecological corridors. Such pressure on the integrity of ecosystem and stability of natural resources increases the risk of losing the Palestinian biodiversity.
Palestinian villages: Sarta, Kafr Ed Deik and Barqan, located in the Nablus governorate, which are subjected to industrial wastewater from the Barqan industrial zone. The discharged industrial wastewater passes through their agricultural land, damaging planted fields. It also
affects water resources, accumulating in lagoons which spread different diseases and cause health and environmental hazards.
Israeli transgressions against legally binding environmental responsibilities can also be found in its burial of hazardous solid waste on Palestinian lands. According to the Environment Quality Authority (EQA) report in March 2006, Israeli authorities are still smuggling solid waste and poisonous substances from industry inside Israel into the OPT, particularly into the southern part of the West Bank. The Israelis have also designated special waste disposal locations on Palestinian land. In 2005 there was an attempt to designate the Abu Shusha brickbreaker factory as a waste disposal site.
Furthermore, Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF) have used Palestinian lands for the burial of zinc, nickel, radioactive substances and industrial waste for many years. There are also fears that Israel buried nuclear materials to the east of Yatta village. Other nuclear radiation concerns include Israeli nuclear experiments at Al-Aqaba Gulf area and the use of depleted Uranium during the Al-Aqsa Intifada 2000 (EQA, 2006).
Settlers’ violations against
Palestinians environment
Wadi Foqin village is located near Bethlehem, less than a kilometer from the Armistice Line (border between the OPT and Israel). Today, the village of Wadi Foqin has approximately 1343 residents (PCBS 2007), and is a blossoming place famous for its agricultural products. Such products play a crucial role in the economy of the village. The mountainous lands of Wadi Foqin also provide the villagers with good grazing areas and open spaces to utilize.
Wadi Foqin has suffered as a community since 1948, and when it lost much of its lands inside the 1949 Armistice Line. Today Wadi Foqin is surrounded by two illegal Israeli settlements: Hadar Betar to the east and Betar Illit to the southeast. The two settlements were established on lands originally owned by Palestinians, and occupy about 12% of the village’s total area (4.35 km2).
Settlers living in Betar Illit and Hadar Betar often behave violently towards the people of Wadi Foqin and the nearby Palestinian villages. The Israeli settlers hinder villagers from utilizing their lands that are located in the vicinity of the settlements. Settlers have uprooted more than 575 trees (ARIJ Database, 2006), and destroyed the field crops by pumping wastewater from the settlements into the cultivated land of the village. Such attacks have caused tremendous economic loss and health problems to the inhabitants of Wadi Foqin.
Confiscation orders continued to be issued by the Israeli authorities. Recently, the IOF handed out 12 military orders stating the seizure of 885 dunums [885 000 square meter] of agricultural lands. Additionally, the residents of Wadi Foqin were notified about military orders to demolish 7 water wells and walls, uproot several olive, almond, and vine trees. According to the Wadi
Foqin Village Council, the military orders will confiscate land, 13 rainwater systems, one water well and six water springs. The well and the water springs are used for drinking, husbandry and irrigation purposes.
Villagers of Wadi Foqin fear that if these military orders are implemented, they will no longer be able to access their lands, water wells and springs. This would lead to agricultural and economic losses since the village depends on agriculture. Vegetables and crops will be affected because of
water shortage and the unavailability of irrigation systems.
Israel continues construction of the segregation wall in and around Wadi Foqin. The construction of the segregation wall is having a major impact on the people living in the village and their environment. The segregation wall will destroy highly valuable irrigated agricultural land and
uproot olive and other crop trees. The area of the Israeli segregation wall will also threaten the natural and biodiversity resources of the different ecological zones. The segregation wall has significant repercussions for wildlife movement by adding to the fragmentation of ecosystems and habitats and by cutting the natural ecological corridors. Such pressure on the integrity of ecosystem and stability of natural resources increases the risk of losing the Palestinian biodiversity.
full text
IN THIS ISSUE
“All Things Bright and Beautiful...”
by: Naim Ateek
Israeli Violations against the Palestinian Environment
by: Jad Isaac
Promoting Environmental Issues in Education
Traditional landscapes of Palestine
by: Sami Backleh
Occupied Water... Thirsty People
by: Fadia Daibes-Murad
The Art of Observation
by: Jill Dampier-Need
Let’s Create a Peace Tapestry
by: Marijke Egelie-Smulders
The Impact of the Israeli Occupation on Palestine’s
Environment
by: Simon Awad
Cornerstone. A Quarterly Publication by Sabeel Ecumenical Liberation Theology Center. Sabeel is an ecumenical grassroots liberation theology movement among Palestinian Christians. Inspired by the life and teaching of Jesus Christ, this liberation theology seeks to deepen the faith of Palestinian Christians, promote unity among them, and lead them to social action.
General E-mail: sabeel@sabeel.org; Local Programs: community@sabeel.org; Clergy Program: clergy@sabeel.org;
Friends of Sabeel: world@sabeel.org; Youth Program: youth@sabeel.org; Public Relations: pr@sabeel.or
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