sabato 22 settembre 2007

La jeune épouse française in the Abbas-Fayyad Israeli recognised State of Palestine (5)

Phalestine, Naplouse, 20/09/07. "Imagine, Phalestine, à Naplouse nous sommes 200 000 habitants, imagine que juste 50 000 d'entre nous sortions, imagine les gens des villages nous rejoignant, imagine à chaque ville que nous traverserons les gens qui se joindront à nous. Ils ne pourront pas tous nous tuer, ils tueront seulement les premières lignes. Je serai devant, parce que ce jour là je pourrai mourir en paix, ce jour là ils ne pourront plus nous arrêter, nous serons libres. Nous serons devant Phalestine".
Pour commencer cet email, je dois faire quelques précisions. Ces rapports que j'écris jours après jours, ne sont pas une caméra, et les émotions que je tente de retransmettre passent elles par mes yeux , par mes tripes plus exactement. Je ne prétend pas être journaliste, je ne rapporte que ce que moi, venue d'un autre monde, je perçois. En me lisant vous êtes en moi. Complètement, mais rien d'autre.

Aujourd'hui j'ai rencontré mes limites, ce qui fait la différence entre un Palestinien et une Française. Est-ce l'excuse que je me donne ? Elle est si facile.

Aujourd'hui est un jour de défaite personnelle à bien des niveaux.
Ce matin, à 10 heures une marche de solidarité aux habitants d'El Ain est organisée par les Naplousi.
J'ai veillé trop tard hier, je décide une nuit blanche mais le sommeil m'a pris vers huit heures. Wajdi tente de me réveiller pour y aller. Je n'en suis pas capable. Ce n'est pas le sommeil que je ne réussis pas à vaincre, c'est la peur. Je pressens un massacre. Un mouvement de foule effraiera les soldats, ils tireront sans hésiter. Femmes, enfants, vieillards, ils ne feront pas de différence. Ils voudront sûrement donner un exemple aussi, nous dire "ne revenez pas".

C'est un cri : je veux vivre, je veux que Wajdi vive, je veux continuer nos rêves.
Wajdi fait mine de prendre sa veste de secouriste pour rejoindre les ambulances. Si vous connaissez Wajdi, vous savez déjà qu'il était en première ligne de la manifestation. Quand je l'apprends, je sais que je n'ai pas voulu le comprendre plus tôt et le sentiment d'avoir trahis nos serments me prends. Il n'a pas été blessé "grâce à Dieu seulement" me dit-il. Je suis folle de colère: contre lui d'avoir pris ce risque, contre moi qui n'ai pas été à la hauteur, contre le monde qui ne saura jamais.

"Sur le chemin, je volais, entouré des 500 personnes qui partaient ensembles, unis, c'était comme un orgasme" me dit Wajdi. Le plus grand rêve de Wajdi est une marche de tous les palestiniens à travers la Palestine : "imagine, Phalestine, à Naplouse nous sommes 200 000 habitants, imagine que juste 50 000 d'entre nous sortions, imagine les gens des villages nous rejoignant, imagine à chaque ville que nous traverserons les gens qui se joindront à nous. Ils ne pourront pas tous nous tuer, ils tueront seulement les premières lignes. Je serai devant, parce que ce jour là je pourrai mourir en paix, ce jour là ils ne pourront plus nous arrêter, nous serons libres. Nous serons devant Phalestine."

C'est pour ça que je ne peux pas dire à Wajdi que je suis en colère qu'il soit parti à cette manifestation. C'est pour ça que je ne peux pas lui dire, non, je veux que nous vivions. Vivre droit ou ne pas vivre, Wajdi est comme ça. Je fais mon possible pour l'atteindre, disons que c'est pas gagné.

Comme je l'appréhendais, les soldats n'ont pas hésité une seconde, en moins d'une minutes la foule était dispersée par le gaz, tirs à balles réelles et plastiques. Impossible de vraiment savoir combien de personnes ont été blessées. Pour cette unique minute le chauffeur d'une des ambulances m'a expliqué avoir transporté à l'hôpital quatre personnes.
Il est environ 15 heures lorsque nous arrivons devant le camp d'El Ain. Je suis à nouveau glacée par ma sueur. Les larmes immergent mon visage, ce n'est pas l'émotion mais le gaz lacrymogène. Une vieille dame tente de traverser la rue, je passe mon bras sur son dos pour la couvrir. Je ne veux pas me permettre de familiarité qui pourrait l'offusquer, mais elle prend mon bras, elle serre ma main.

Tout parait plus ordonné qu'hier : les jeunes qui lancent des pierres, les jeunes qui tentent d'apporter de la nourriture dans le camp. Les soldats surtout sont mieux organisés : une équipe de premier secours vient de se faire arrêter, un journaliste qui tentait de filmer la destruction d'une maison a pris une balle, la plupart des volontaires se voient refuser formellement l'entrée.

Nous apprenons que 20 familles sont enfermées dans une maison, cela signifie environ 200 personnes. Quelques soient les réserves qui étaient dans la maison, elles sont épuisées. Aiché (confère les textes précédents) a réussi à y apporter quelques vivres, mais pas assez.

Wajdi et moi avons apporté des médicaments laissés le mois dernier par un groupe de l'association Génération Palestine. Nous commençons à les "éplucher" avec un médecin de l'équipe, je traduis les indications et nous trions ceux qui correspondent aux besoins des habitants du camp. Hors de question de prendre le risque de donner un médicament qui ne corresponde pas, nous hésitons. Finalement nous prenons tous les efferalgants, aspirines, spasfon et nous laissons les autres dans le centre de secours installé à devant le camp. Nous prenons également de la nourriture autant qu'il nous est possible et avec un britannique, Jacob, et trois autres Palestiniens nous partons.

Nous sommes sur le seuil lorsque 3 soldats surgissent. Ils contrôlent nos papier d'identité, enfin pas les miens, la couleur de mon passeport suffit. Malheureusement elle ne suffit pas à protéger l'un des volontaire. Sous mes yeux, ils attrapent ce jeune, devant mes pieds ils l'obligent à s'agenouiller. Le viseur de l'arme qui s'abat sur son crane a un diamètre qui avoisine les 10 centimètres, ils l'attrapent par les cheveux, l'insultent, puis ils lui bandent les yeux et le jettent dans leur fourgon. Je ne peux rien faire, encore. Ils en ont rien à foutre des témoins, nous ne sommes même pas gênants.

Nous reprenons nos sacs de pains, de mortadelle, de médicaments et nous commençons à grimper les interminables marches de la colline. Comme hier nous voulons entrer par le haut. Il fait chaud, j'ai soif, l'estomac vide du jeune, la crève, la hantise d'une balle qui peut nous atteindre à tout moment. Je crois que je vais m'évanouir. Finalement non, j'arrive en haut et l'adrénaline qui monte à la vue du barrage militaire me remet très vite sur pied.

L'un d'entre eux me braque, il se fout de ma gueule ce connard, un autre baisse son arme. "Nous apportons de la nourriture et des médicaments pour les habitants, ils en ont besoin". Les ordres sont formels : "dégagez". Rien n'y fait, pas même les petites blagues d'usage. L'autre retrouve son sourire en me braquant à nouveau.

Nous faisons mine de partir et entrons dans une maison quelques mètres plus loin. Ces personnes qui nous reçoivent sont plus qu'accueillantes. Leur jardin donne accès à un autre jardin qui lui même donne sur le camp. D'autres équipes médicales sont déjà passées par là, elles guettaient notre arrivée pour nous indiquer le passage. Nous leur proposons un peu de nourriture, elles refusent : "ceux qui sont à l'intérieur en ont plus besoin".
Une explosion plus violente et plus longue que les autres tonne, une montgolfière de poussière s'envole. Nous accélérons, s'il y a des blessés nous devons les secourir. En ouvrant la grille Wajdi se retrouve nez à nez avec un soldat. Comme nous ne déguerpissons pas assez vite, une bombe sonore nous frôle, les coups de feux partent. Nous nous baissons et nous courrons.
Mon cher Wajdi est toujours plein de ressources : le voilà qui lance les paquets de nourriture aux habitants par les fenêtres. Un premier paquet de pain, un second, un poulet, ah non... pas de poulet, celui-ci n'est pas arrivé à destination. Les gens nous demandent de l'eau, nous restons sans voix: de l'eau.
Les soldats ont repéré notre "manège", nous détalons presto.
Il est 6 heures, nous entendons l'éden qui signale la fin du jeune, la tombée de la nuit aussi. Une ambulance nous attrape au vol. Je trouve une bouteille d'eau à l'intérieur, elle est chaude et pas très claire, je lui trouve pourtant une saveur d'hydromel.
Nous arrivons à la maison, de l'eau, des jus de fruits, du sucre, du silence. Je veux me sentir en sécurité.
Wajdi m'annonce que nous repartons dans une demie-heure. Je traîne, m'attarde sur mes emails, finis par sortir un "tu est sur que c'est vraiment utile ?" puis un "ils ne nous laisserons jamais entrer". Wajdi se laisse convaincre.

Il est temps de parler. En quelques secondes j'avoue tout: mon angoisse face à ce cauchemar, ma rencontre avec mes limites et surtout cette défaite. Aujourd'hui je n'ai pas été à la hauteur de mes engagements. Je ne veux pas vivre comme ça.

Il est environ 20 heures, nous rejoignons les équipes médicales. Au passage Wajdi propose à d'autres jeunes de nous emboîter le pas, la réponse de l'un d'entre-eux est "quand tu seras martyre, je viendrai chercher ton corps". Je ne suis pas certaine qu'il fut une bonne idée de la part de mon cher et tendre de me traduire cet encouragement.

Une lumière bleue descend la butte sur laquelle est basée le camp. Des lumières jaunes, sortes de feux d'artifices traversent le ciel, nous entendons des coups de feux, des explosions et un hélicoptère que je n'arrive pas à voir.

Il est trop tard, les soldats ont fermés la base médicale. Néanmoins Jacob et deux autres internationales ont étés autorisés à rejoindre la maison où les 20 familles sont retenues en otage, ils y sont toujours. Ils ont relâché le volontaire de Medical Relief près d'Howara (un des check point de Naplouse), il est transporté à l'hôpital parce qu'il est couvert de contusions. Je me risque à demander un stupide : pourquoi ? Parce que sur sa carte d'identité il est indiqué qu'il habite le camp d'El Ain.

C'est le moment du bilan. Beaucoup de blessés pendants la journée, de personnes "arrêtées", de nombreuses maisons ont été détruites de l'intérieur ou littéralement, très peu de nourriture est entrée dans le camp et les soldats ne partent pas.
Les véhicules militaires passent et repassent devant nous, il ne faut plus tarder.

Plutôt que cet exposé de complaintes douteuses de ma part j'aurais voulu décrire dans cet email ce que ressentent les personnes enfermées en ce moment. Mais comment ? Je n'ai pas pu entrer. Est-ce que je me rends compte moi même qu'ils nous demandaient de l'eau.
J'ai lu aujourd'hui Conte sous couvre feu écrit par les enfants d'El Ain avec l'aide de Darna (maison des associations de Naplouse). J'aimerai être à leur place pour ne pas savoir qu'ils y sont.

Army Incursion in Al Ayn refugee camp, Nablus - the Abbas-Fayyad Israeli recognised State of Palestine

International Solidarity Movement, 21/09/07.

Tuesday, September 18th, Israeli occupation forces (IOF) assaulted Al Ayn refugee camp in Nablus. The IOF attacked the camp and were met with fierce resistance from inside the camp. One soldier and one resistance fighter was killed.

The camp was closed off and a curfew was put in place. A road block of earth was set up to stop people and vehicles from entering the camp. Ambulances gathered on Jamal Abdel Nasser street, the main entrance to the camp. They then dropped tear gas upwind of the ambulances, causing the crews to leave the area or seek shelter in their vehicles.

An injured 17 year old was taken to the roadblock and put into an ambulance. The soldiers took the keys out of the ignition, forcing the ambulance to wait until an army medic had declared ‘whether he was dead or not’. The family of the gunshot victim were forcibly removed from the ambulance. Nervous soldiers were very aggressive with the press throughout.


Palestinian Medical Relief worker is arrested and blindfolded for trying to access the wounded. Three medical workers were arrested during the invasion.

An ISM Human Rights Worker (HRW) was filming an army jeep when the soldier in the back of the jeep attempted to throw a tear gas grenade at the HRW. He set it off in the back of his own jeep instead. Soldiers piled out of the jeep choking on their own tear gas. It seemed they threw a sound bomb at the HRW and ambulance crews who had witnessed the mistake out of embarrassment.

Excessive repression was carried out all day against youths throwing rocks at army jeeps, humvees and bulldozers. HRWs and Palestinian ambulance crews repeatedly tried to enter the camp. Urgently needed water, bread and medical supplies were not allowed in by the army. All negotiations with the IOF failed, both with the soldiers on the ground and the local DCO “humanitarian office”.

———————–


Smoke rises from Israeli army activity in the besieged camp.

Wednesday, September 19th:

The lock down of Al Ayn refugee camp continued. After two nights of curfew and no medical teams entering, ambulance crews were anxious to get in and tend to the wounded. The IOF responded to the requests of the medics by firing rubber coated steel bullets at them. The ambulances were hit repeatedly, and after sustaining damage to windscreens and the vehicle bodies, were made to leave the area. At 10:20am ambulance crews and two ISM HRWs tried to gain access to the medical clinic but were forced back by concussion grenades and rubber coated steel bullets.

At mid-day a large, colourful, non-violent protest march approached the camp. There were around 200 Palestinians waving flags and chanting songs. The army fired tear gas at the back of the procession, into a large group of women. They then fired tear gas and rubber bullets into the rest of the protesters. In the ensuing chaos people were hit by grenades and rubber bullets. The army fired indiscriminately into the crowd to create as much pain and havoc as possible.

One HRW and an ambulance crew bravely broke the curfew. They ran past soldiers taking desperately needed medical supplies into the camp. They stayed for the rest of the evening giving out food and medicine to the trapped occupants of the camp. At around 6pm one ambulance with medicines supplied by an ISM HRW was allowed into the camp, bringing much needed relief to families trapped in the nightmare of the IOF invasion. During the curfew on this day, a 38 year old handicapped man in a wheelchair was shot while he was looking out his window. The situation continues with ambulance crews and HRWs on stand-by all through the night waiting for the next opportunity to gain access to the terrified inhabitants of the camp.

————


Local Palestinians are arrested while demonstrating non-violently against the invasion.

Thursday, September 20th:

ISM HRWs came to the camp at 8:30am and saw the UN and the Red Cross among other NGOs on the scene for the first time.

A couple of ambulances were allowed into the camp at 9:00am to bring much needed relief and aid to the camp inhabitants. At around 10:30am two people were arrested and taken from the mosque in handcuffs, into an armoured personnel carrier. One medic was arrested from the clinic on Jammal Abdel Nasser street. The IOF entered the clinic and checked everyone’s IDs. The medic was released late in the evening after being badly beaten with sticks during his incarceration.

A peaceful demonstration was held in solidarity with the besieged camp. After speeches were made in the centre of Nablus the march began at 11:10am. There were colourful banners waved as the city’s people showed their support for the inhabitants on the streets for the second day running. As the marcher approached the camp, they were subjected to a hail of sound grenades and tear gas. The tear gas turned the crowd of peaceful demonstrators into a scene of fear and chaos.


A building that was called home by fifty children and their families is destroyed, they were given minutes notice.

Along with a Palestinian medical crew three ISM HRWs gained access to the inside of the camp. After sneaking over rough ground, the group stopped when faced with an IOF jeep standing in their way. The group gathered their courage and had the internationals in the front as they walked past the jeep. Around the corner were three or four more IOF vehicles forcing the medics and HRWs to dash down an alley and into the camp.

Urgently needed medical supplies were distributed to the grateful residents in their homes. Danger was always wearing a uniform as the medics moved around the camp. HRWs led the way calling out ‘volunteer’ so any trigger-happy soldiers knew they were a medical crew. A student from Tulkarem had been trapped in the camp since Tuesday morning. One HRW gave her his high-visibility jacket so she could leave with the team and return home. While exiting the camp the medics and activists were attacked by the IOF with sound bombs. All they wanted was to bring more supplies in to the needy people but were threatened with being shot by soldiers.

At 5pm a building which housed around fifty children, recently visited by the medics and activists in the camp, was blown up by the IOF. This illegal act of collective punishment was because a cousin of one of the residents was wanted by the Israeli Army. Later in the evening the IOF set off a series of large explosions in the camp. The explosions lasted for around 20 minutes and many homes were destroyed. The city shuddered as the IOF continued its operations in Al Ayn refugee camp.

———–


Medical workers must go through extensive searches and ID checks while attempting to deliver food and medicine to the camp under curfew.

Friday, September 21st:

After a three day siege of Al-Ain Refugee camp, IOF left the camp around 5am this morning. Residents were able to leave their homes for the first time since it began. At least two Palestinians were killed and an unknown number of people are injured. 49 residents of the camp were also arrested. Many homes in the camp showed signs of extensive damage.

The IOF blew many doors off their hinges and bullets and tear gas canisters could be found on the ground in many places throughout the camp. At least one house, which had been the residence of fifty children, was completely destroyed by explosives. Several other houses had gaping holes in walls and showed signs of attempted demolition. Today, children sat in the rubble where their house once stood.

International activists spoke with several residents of the camp, who described experiences of being without food, water and medicine. One woman spoke of being beaten by IOF soldiers outside of her home. A member of a Palestinian relief organization told activists that three medics had been arrested over the course of the invasion, with one still being held captive.

The bodies of the two Palestinians killed during the invasion were carried through the streets by hundreds of mourners who remembered with rage the brutal treatment they have endured by the IOF.


Palestinian and international HRWs walk along the destroyed route the Israeli army took through the camp.


venerdì 21 settembre 2007

Un homme, sa jeune épouse française, sa famille, in the Abbas-Fayyad Israeli recognised State of Palestine (4)

Dear friends,

As for yesterday, I forward you the daily report of my wife.

Salam, peace,
Wajdi


On 9/20/07, *AC Yaeesh* < acyaeesh@gmail.com > wrote:

Invasion d'El Ain camp, 2ème jour.
Degré supérieur de violence, la présence militaire a doublé, il y a
un nouveau martyre. Je ne connais ni son nom, ni son âge, je sais
juste qu'il était jeune et à demi-paralysé. Il était chez lui
lorsqu'il a reçu une balle dans la nuque. Les ambulances n'ont pas
été autorisées à venir le chercher, alors il s'est vidé de son sang
et il est mort.

Degré supérieur de tension, même l'air que nous respirons semble
branché sur haute tension. A l'entrée principale du camp forme une
sorte de croix, il y a le camp sur notre droite, la rue principale
en bas de celui-ci et un chemin perpendiculaire. Sur les routes, des
dizaines de véhicules militaires en tous genres: jeep bien sur,
fourgonnettes, bulldozer,marteau-piqueurs... J'en dénombre 17 au
départ, quelques minutes plus tard 13. Ils viennent et ils vont
parce qu'aux extrémités de nombreux hommes lancent des pierres, les
plus jeunes ont peut être 8 ans, les plus vieux la vingtaine.
Des pneus brûlent, le gaz lacrymogène se répand.
Et au milieu de tout ça, il y a nous, volontaires en tous genres.
J'essaye de tout mémoriser, tout photographier dans ma mémoire parce
que je sens bien que personne n'apprécierais une photo souvenir.
D'ailleurs il n'y a plus de journalistes quand j'arrive, enfin si
un, plus loin. Est-ce que c'est parce que c'est trop dangereux ? Ou
est-ce parce que la nouvelle ne fait déjà plus sensation ?
Nous ne sommes pas très organisés et c'est ce qui nous permet à
Wajdi moi de nous éclipser et de pénétrer par le haut de la colline
à l'intérieur du camp, accompagné d'un autre volontaire qui accepte
de nous suivre. Il semble que le chemin que nous empruntons pour
détourner le camp soit le dortoir des soldats, la plupart font la
sieste. Nous ne demandons pas notre reste, nous avançons.
Degré supérieur de folie à l'intérieur, tableau d'un chaos.
Sur le chemin ce n'est plus merci que nous entendons, mais "apportez
nous à manger", "apportez nous des médicaments", "pourquoi apportez
vous à manger à cette famille et pas à nous ? nous le méritons moins ?"
Ce schéma je le reconnais parce que je l'ai vécu il y a peu : au
traumatisme succède la haine qui n'a plus de raison, qui n'est plus
raisonnable. Je comprends ces gens, parce que nous sommes leur seul
exutoire. Alors si pour voir la lumière de la sortie, ils ont besoin
de ne pas voir que nous risquons nos vies, je m'en fous. A défaut
d'apporter du pain à tous, j'apporte au moins une sorte d'espoir.
Le sol est boueux, des canalisations ont sautées, on trouve des
morceaux de verres, de fils de bombes, des morceaux de chat.
Je ne me formalise même plus des lumières rouges des viseurs et
j'attaque de mon plus beau sourire (oui oui, je n'en démords pas
c'est une arme redoutable) et de ma voix la plus angélique, tous les
soldats que je croise.
Un soldat appelle Wajdi de son prénom, nous reconnaissons notre
"soldat porte-parole" de la veille. J'ai l'impression qu'il a de la
compassion, en tous cas il nous parle humainement, il semble presque
rassuré de nous reconnaître. Je le plains parce que s'il a encore de
l'humanité, sa place est celle que je choisirai après l'enfer.
Nous retournons chercher des denrées.
Sans doute rassurés dans leur supériorité, les soldats autorisent
deux volontaires à retourner dans le camp, ce n'est pas nous. Nous
attendons en vain, la nuit tombe, nous rentrons.
Dans un premier temps Wajdi est déçu de la réaction des habitants,
mais il a à peine bu son verre de jus de fruit pour rompre le jeune
qu'il comprend. Au levé du jour, si les soldats sont toujours dans
El Ain nous y retournerons, inchAllah.
J'ai attrapé un sévère rhume parce que la peur m'a fait dégouliner
de sueur. Sur le chemin du camp, en ce début d'après-midi, je crois
qu'une bonne moitié de moi aurait préféré se prostituer plutôt que
d'y aller.
Phalastine
Naplouse sous occupation

Un homme, sa jeune épouse française, sa famille, in the Abbas-Fayyad Israeli recognised State of Palestine (3)

simona

Hello Dear friends,
Since yesterday, 18/09/07, the soldiers are in El Ain Camp (refugees camp of Nablus). With my wife Phalastine we went there, it's the first time for her. She wrote a letter about it:

A quoi ça ressemble une invasion ?
Les habitués de Naplouse, ou de la Palestine ont souvent l'occasion d'entendre 'les soldats arrivent de tel ou tel check points, ils sont dans la vieille ville, ou à Balata, ils sont dans telle ou telle partie de la ville... Mais 'pour de vrai' qu'est-ce que ca veut dire ?

Ils y a quelques semaines, les soldats s'étaient invités chez nous. L'expérience avait été désagréable, nous sommes passés par différentes étapes à la suite de 'ça' : le choc, la frustration, la haine et puis surtout l'appréhension de la prochaine visite.
Tous les soirs ils sont repassés dans 'le coin', parfois avec des bombes sonores, parfois des buldozers... Pendant un moment je n'ai pu dormir qu'à coup de tranquilisants, tranquilisants qu'il m'est même arrivé de vomir pensant que les soldats étaient sur le point de surgir chez nous.

Et puis la vie nous a repris par d'autres préoccupations.

Le Ramadan, mois de reccueillement, mois de fête, est dans tous les esprits depuis quelques semaines. Le mois de Ramadan est aussi une importante période econonmique, il engendre de fortes dépenses... Mais la situation économique de la population, n'est pas vraiment appropriée, alors tout le monde se met a vendre ce qu'il peut : des jus de fruits, des gateaux, du hummous...
Le cours du blé a doublé partout dans le monde, ce qui signifie ici aussi.
Tous les prix ont augmentés de facon vertigineuse, en fait ils ont doublés et l'inflation semble ne plus avoir de limites.

Ce genre de préocupations, prennent tres vite le dessus sur quoi que ce soit d'autre.
Wajdi travaille avec son père depuis le debut du Ramadan, ils vendent des gateaux. Pendant ce temps là, moi je flemmarde, et je ne rechigne pas sur les grasses matinees...
Il est environ 13 heures quand Wajdi vient me réveiller. Il m'annonce que les soldats n'ont pas quitté Naplouse au petit matin comme à leur habitude. Un jeune de 17 ans s'est fait tuer à 8 heures, les soldats sont dans El Ain Camp et encerclent les résistants, ces derniers n'ont plus de munitions.
Wajdi m'explique que par les microphones des mosquées il y a des appels à la population pour que les gens s'y rendent mais que personne 'ne bouge son cul'.

Immédiatement nous prenons la decision de nous rendre sur place. En moins d'une minute je suis prete et nous partons. Cette rapidité, qui ne m'est pas habituelle, est loin d'etre de l'héroisme, c'est juste parce que je ne veux pas avoir le temps de penser, je ne veux pas avoir le temps d'avoir peur.

Nous arrivons à l'entrée du camp. Quelques journalistes et une vingtaine de volontaires de Medical Relief attendent d'être autorisés à récuperer le corps du martyre.
Son corps git au milieu de la rue et nul n'a le droit de l'approcher. Avec le soleil, le corps a gonflé, je ne respire pas par le nez parce que je ne veux pas me souvenir plutard de cette odeur.
J'aperçois un blondinet, j'en deduis que c'est un 'international', je n'en vois pas d'autre. L'été est passé, les vacances sont finies, alors on ne voit plus de groupes de solidarités se promener dans la ville.

Des jeunes, sur le toit d'une maison un peu plus loin, jettent des pierres sur les jeeps, ils provoquent les soldats par de grands coucou.
Immédiatement les soldats ripostent par des bombes lacrymogènes, qu'ils visent d'ailleurs très bien.
La diversion fonctionne et le chauffeur d'une des ambulances fonce à toute allure vers le corps. Une jeep l'arrête, nous nous pressons tous pour le soutenir. Les parents du gosse sont là aussi.

A ce moment precis de 'l'histoire' je comprends pas cette lutte pour récuperer le corps. Pourquoi, les soldats ne veulent pas que nous le prenions ? Pourquoi nous n'attendons pas que les soldats partent ?
Un journaliste se retrouve braqué par un M 16 sous la gorge, Wajdi aussi.

En fait si les soldats avaient pris le corps, ils l'auraient rendu quelques jours plus tard à sa famille complètement déchiqueté et vidé de ses organes.
Je pensais que ce jeune martyre était un résistant. En réalité, Mohammed, venait d'obtenir son Taoujii (bacalaureat), il était un excellent eleve. Ce matin il se rendait a l'université.

Nous sommes plantés là, devant l'entrée du camp, avec interdiction formelle de pénétrer à l'interieur, totalement impuissants.
A quelques mètres derrière, Wajdi et moi apercevons un petit bout de femme, accompagnée de deux jeunes de Medical Relief, faisant mine de repartir.
Wajdi la reconnait et préssent un stratagème.. Nous les rattrapons, en quelques secondes nous voilà tous les cinq dans le camp, a l'insu de tous. Ramadan ou pas, je n'ai jamais courru si vite de ma vie. Jamais eu si peur aussi.

Comme tous les camps de refugiés, El Ain, est un vrai labyrinthe, nous nous dirigeons grâce aux habitants qui nous renseignent par leurs fenêtres: 'les soldats sont à gauche, passez à droite', 'ici quelqun a besoin de soin', 'là bas les habitants d'une maison attendent depuis plusieurs heures'.

A chaque croisement de ruelle nous ne savons pas si nous allons trouver des résistants ou des soldats, nous courrons, nous crions 'medical, ambulance, international'. Un homme nous appelle, son fils est malade. Il a trop de fievre, il doit être transféré à l'hopital. Nous le supportons jusqu'à l'extérieur du camp, une ambulance vient le chercher, une jeep et un buldozer sont à cette sortie. Le soldat qui véhicule le bulldozer fait brutalement tomber la pelle du véhicule, nous sursautons, il est mort de rire.

Nous rentrons à nouveau, une ruelle de soldats, une ruelle de résistants, une ruelle de soldats. Les resistants sont completements pris au piège.
Les soldats nous visent lorsque nous sommes dans leurs 'zones', les lumières rouges qui se baladent sur nos corps nous en avertissent, les resistants nous aident à traverser les leurs.
Nous trouvons soudainement une vingtaine de personnes assises sous le soleil, en plein milieu des combats. Il y a du sang par terre, beaucoup de cartouches vide, un chien abatu entouré de mouches et il y a des soldats en face de nous. Il y a une femme assise pres du chien, ses larmes ne s'arretent pas, elle est silencieuse, par pudeur, elle fait dos aux autres.
A force de négociations, ils acceptent de nous laisser vérifier la santé de ces gens. Nous donnons de l'eau aux enfants et aux bébés. Les adultes n'en veulent pas, ils jeunent.
Nous tentons de mettre les gens en securité. Wajdi et moi sommes les seuls à parler anglais, mais nous ne comprenons pas tres bien ce que nous dit le soldat 'porte parole'. Tout est confus. Je fini par comprendre qu'ils veulent que nous demandions aux gens de se déplacer dans une ruelle a gauche,
et naturellement je vois Wajdi et les trois autres volontaires s'engoufrer dans la ruelle de droite. Ce n'est pas le temps des explications, alors je les suis.
Nous essayons d'aller le plus vite possible, mais la vieille dame que nous tentons de raccompagner chez elle, a manifestement beaucoup de mal a marcher.
Au loin j'entends les soldats hurler, je ne sais pas trop si c'est contre nous ou contre les habitants, ce n'est pas vraiment le moment non plus de se poser la question.

Nous reprenons notre souffle quelques instants à un croisement. Une balle nous frôle, 'baisse toi et cours' me hurle Wajdi. On nous indique une maison où un nourisson a besoin d'une aide medicale urgente. Wajdi me fait entrer dans une maison avec les deux autres volontaires de Medical Relief. J'ai
à peine le temps de le voir courir avec Aiché ('le petit bout de femme') le bébé dans les bras. Quelques minutes plutard, ils reviennent. Ils ont été poursuivis par les soldats, mais ils ont réussi a donner de l'oxygène au nourisson grâce à une ambulance qui les attendait plus bas.

Nous continuons notre tour dans le camp, personne ne nous appelle, une deuxième balle nous caresse, nous sortons.

Il est bientôt 3 heures du matin, les soldats ont envahi toute la ville. Ce soir à l'heure du ftour, comme toujours, la maman de Wajdi nous avait preparé un délicieux petit plat, mais à part l'eau sur laquelle nous nous sommes rués, nous n'avons rien pu avaler.
Nous ne savons pas si les gens qui attendaient ont pu rentrer chez eux ou pas, nous ne savons pas s'ils ont pu manger, nous ne savons meme pas s'ils sont en bonne santé.
Les explosions retentissent jusque sous nos fenêtres, des lumières jaunes traversent le ciel, j'entends des cris.
Les images, les sons de la journée résonnent dans ma tête. Je réalise maintenant que j'entendais 'thank you' pendant que nous courrions, comme je ne suis pas tres sure je demande à Wajdi, il me confirme.
Les habitants du camp sont pris en otage, les résistants pris au piège et moi je suis chez moi, bien au chaud. J'aimerais les mériter ces 'thank you'.

Phalastine
Naplouse sous occupation

Luisa Morgantini da Gaza a Radio Vaticana: Le sanzioni di Israele contro Gaza preoccupano la comunità internazionale


Radio Vaticana, 20/09/07. Israele proclama l'intera Striscia di Gaza "entità nemica" e annuncia un piano di sanzioni economiche per il milione e mezzo di persone che vi abitano. Tel Aviv parla di reazione al lancio di razzi Qassam da parte di miliziani palestinesi. Le forniture di carburante ed energia verranno ridotte, le frontiere chiuse a persone e merci. Il segretario di Stato americano Condoleezza Rice, giunta oggi in Israele per preparare la conferenza internazionale di pace che gli Stati Uniti hanno convocato per novembre a Washington, ha detto che le sanzioni non agevolano il dialogo e ha precisato che "per il governo degli Stati Uniti l'entità nemica è Hamas". Da parte sua, Hamas fa sapere che il provvedimento di Israele "equivale a una dichiarazione di guerra". Il presidente palestinese Abbas, parla di "punizione arbitraria". Interviene anche il Segretario generale dell'Onu Ban Ki-moon per dirsi "molto preoccupato" per la decisione del governo israeliano. Padre Pierbattista Pizzaballa, Custode di Terra Santa, sottolinea che questo tipo di decisioni "non porta soluzioni ma solo nuovi problemi a una popolazione palestinese stremata". Intanto un ragazzo palestinese è stato ucciso nel corso di un'incursione dell'esercito israeliano nei pressi del campo profughi di El Burej, nel centro della striscia di Gaza. E proprio a Gaza in questo momento c'è una delegazione del Parlamento europeo, che ha già fatto tappa a Gerusalemme e in Cisgiordania. Una missione sullo stato attuale dei progetti europei e l'efficacia degli aiuti. Fausta Speranza ha raggiunto a Gaza la vicepresidente del Parlamento europeo, Luisa Morgantini, e le ha chiesto innanzitutto una reazione all'annuncio di Israele:
R. – Noi da sempre sosteniamo che è indispensabile e necessario che vengano applicate le risoluzioni delle Nazioni Unite, che vuol dire la fine dell'occupazione militare israeliana della Cisgiordania e Gaza. Come parlamentari europei ci auguriamo davvero che i palestinesi possano trovare una soluzione al loro interno e trovare un'unità politica e territoriale. Qui diciamo che questa dichiarazione, fatta da Israele, è davvero una minaccia e soprattutto, è assolutamente una formula nuova anche nella legalità internazionale. Le dichiarazioni – per esempio – di voler bloccare l'elettricità e il combustibile rappresentano una punizione collettiva ad un milione e mezzo di persone che già vive strangolata, perché in realtà Gaza è una gabbia in cui nessuno o pochissimi possono entrare ed uscire. Ci sono centinaia di persone malate che devono andare a curarsi in Egitto e non possono uscire; ci sono 600 studenti che hanno avuto scholarship internazionali e perdono scholarship e borse di studio ... Io credo che la comunità internazionale dovrebbe veramente intervenire! Certo, bisogna assolutamente bloccare i lanci di razzi che cadono su Sderot, ma sinceramente Israele sta continuando non soltanto a Gaza ma anche nella Westbank, a fare incursioni militari... A Gaza sono prigionieri, ma anche nella Westbank, dove ci sono più di 600 check-point con soldati e i palestinesi sono chiusi dentro le loro città. O dal muro o dai check-point.
D. – Onorevole Morgantini, quanto è lontana nella percezione della gente, lì, la prospettiva della Conferenza che gli Stati Uniti stanno preparando per il Medio Oriente a novembre?
R. – E' molto lontana! Nessuno crede, in realtà, a questa ipotesi. Se non vedono dei cambiamenti adesso, se non vedono sinceramente cambiare le loro condizioni di vita, vedono la conferenza di novembre come un'altra illusione e infatti ci sono centinaia di giovani israeliani, e non soltanto giovani, che insieme ai palestinesi – per esempio – manifestano da più di tre anni pacificamente, in modo non violento, a Bil'in, dove vi è un muro che toglie al villaggio di Bil'in il 65 per cento della terra ...
D. – Che cosa ci dice degli altri posti visitati dalla vostra delegazione in questi giorni?
R. – In questo momento sono a Gaza e devo dire qualcosa dell'ospedale Shiffat: è desolante vedere questa città che sembra una città deserta. Ieri siamo stati a Hebron e abbiamo visto il risultato di avere all'interno di quella città un insediamento di ortodossi israeliani che praticamente occupano il centro della città: hanno reso il centro di Hebron – un centro storico straordinario – praticamente deserto. Più di mille negozi palestinesi hanno dovuto chiudere per la presenza dei coloni, hanno dovuto abbandonare il centro. Abbiamo visto poi a Ramallah e a Betlemme le tragiche conseguenze del muro che viene costruito da Israele e che, anche se può aver sicuramente bloccato qualche attentato, è un muro in realtà di pura annessione coloniale. E' un muro che divide palestinesi da palestinesi: abbiamo visto il muro attraversare cortili di case ...

GAZA: A CALL FOR URGENT ACTION


ICHAD, 20/09/07. Israel’s decision to punish Gaza’s civilian population, with all the human suffering that entails, constitutes an instance of State Terrorism against innocent people. Only when Israel is held accountable for its actions and international law upheld will a just peace be possible in the Middle East.

The Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (ICAHD) deplores the unanimous decision by the Israeli cabinet to impose sanctions on supplies of electricity, fuel and other basic goods and services to the civilian population of Gaza, and calls upon the international community to prevent this crime against humanity from being carried out. Indeed, the very legal framework invoked by Israel to carry out this illegal and immoral act – declaring Gaza a “hostile entity” within a “conflict short of war” – has absolutely no standing in international law. The collective punishment of an entire civilian population, by contrast, is explicitly prohibited.

We call on the Secretary General of the UN, Mr. Ban Ki-Moon, to urgently convene the Security Council in order to tell the Israeli government that this step is completely unacceptable and must be rescinded.

We call on the governments of the world, and in particular the American government and the European Parliament, to censure this decision, especially in light of recent attempts to revive the diplomatic process.

We call on the world’s religious leaders to condemn this blatant violation of human rights and the most fundamental assault on human life and dignity, made especially poignant as it is being implemented during the holy month of Ramadan. As Israelis, most of whom are Jews, we call upon Jewish leaders to speak out unequivocally against this offense against Jewish values on the eve of Yom Kippur.

And we call upon the peoples of the world to let their officials and leaders know of their repudiation of this cruel, illegal and immoral act – an act that stands out in its cruelty even in an already oppressive Israeli Occupation. ICAHD condemns attacks on all civilians, be they Israeli or Palestinian. Violations of international law by governments affecting millions of people are, however, especially egregious and must be denounced.

Jeff Halper: "l'obiettivo di israele apatheid nei territori"

Alessandra Fava, il manifesto, 20/09/07. Un unico Stato per israeliani e palestinesi in una confederazione di stati mediorientali: questa, secondo l'antropologo e urbanista Jeff Halper, 61 anni, coordinatore del Comitato israeliano contro la demolizione delle case (Icahd), è l'unica strada affinché Israele diventi una vera democrazia. Abbiamo incontrato Halper prima di una conferenza a Palazzo Ducale organizzata dal Genoa Social Forum.Qui ha spiegato in che cosa consiste quella che lui chiama «disobbedienza civile pacifica»: ostacolare i Caterpillar che demoliscono le case palestinesi in Israele e nei territori occupati e rimetterle in piedi il più presto possibile.

Quali saranno le prossime mosse del suo Ichad?
Dal '67 a oggi sono state demolite 18mila case palestinesi. Da qui a giugno vogliamo ricostruirne 300 a Gerusalemme est e in Cisgiordania. Purtroppo non possiamo operare a Gaza perché non abbiamo possibilità d'accedere alla Striscia.
Pochi giorni fa alle Nazioni Unite a New York ha parlato di apartheid, così ha fatto l'editorialista del quotidiano Ha'aretz Danny Rubinstein a Bruxelles. Queste affermazioni possono influenzare l'opinione pubblica israeliana?
No. La gente è stata convinta dai suoi leader che non c'è soluzione politica al conflitto e in questo modo è stata delegittimata. Al momento Israele ha l'illusione di vincere: ha l'appoggio degli Usa, l'Europa è passiva, la Palestina isolata e ci sono accordi di pace con gli stati arabi confinanti. A questo punto solo una pressione internazionale può costringere Israele ad abbandonare l'occupazione.
Apartheid non è uno slogan. Prima di tutto c'è una separazione reale, infatti Israele chiama la sua politica hafradah (separazione in ebraico) e il muro viene definito barriera di separazione. In secondo luogo una popolazione domina l'altra. Terzo, Israele punta ad avere oltre l'80% del paese e a lasciare ai palestinesi piccoli cantoni frammentati da colonie, strade e presidi militari. Questo che cosa è se non apartheid?
Quindi è pessimista anche sulla prossima conferenza di pace a Washington a novembre…
Certo, passerà il progetto di uno stato palestinese transitorio che di fatto sarà uno stato virtuale senza confini, senz'acqua, senza un'economia, né un accesso vero a Gerusalemme. Però tutti saranno contenti e diranno che i palestinesi finalmente hanno uno stato. Di fatto ci stanno prendendo in giro come è successo con l'accordo di Oslo.
Durante la recente espulsione di alcune famiglie ad Hebron, a proposito dei soldati che si rifiutavano di eseguire gli ordini dell'Idf (l'esercito israeliano), si è parlato di «sionismo religioso». Che cosa ne pensa?
Il 40% dei soldati oggi si professa credente. Una volta la matrice laica era più marcata, tanta gente arrivava dai kibbutz. Negli ultimi tempi il paese va sempre più a destra, i religiosi si rafforzano e molti laici stanno lasciando il paese. Così i coloni diventano il mainstream e i soldati non li vogliono sgomberare.
Lo sgombero dell'avamposto di colonia di Migron (43 famiglie) costruito su terreni di proprietà araba sta per arrivare davanti alla Corte Suprema. Ma il Governo è riuscito a rimandare l'udienza. Come procede il cosiddetto piano di sgombero delle colonie?
Non penso che il Governo interverrà sulle colonie, farà piuttosto qualche gesto simbolico. Si parla di sgomberare 26 piccoli accampamenti, ma in Cisgiordania ce ne sono più di 100, quindi stiamo parlando di niente.
Negli ultimi tempi Lei promuove la soluzione di un unico Stato per palestinesi e
israeliani. Perché?
L'unico percorso per arrivare a una vera democrazia è un unico stato per i due popoli inserito in una confederazione di stati mediorientali (Israele, Libano, Siria, Giordania) qualcosa di simile all'Unione europea di 30 anni fa, con accordi per lo più economici che permettano l'esistenza degli stati e nello stesso tempo diano un'identità ai palestinesi, liberi di muoversi all'interno della confederazione. Ma non sarà più uno stato ebraico e per questo Israele e anche la comunità internazionale avversano fortemente questa ipotesi. D'altra parte è l'unica percorribile.
La soluzione di due popoli in due stati non è piu praticabile.

Here's to you, Condoleezza Rice


Laila and her son Yousuf

Laila El-Haddad, a-mother-from-gaza.blogspot, 19/09/07.

Firstly, a blessed and joyous Ramadan to everyone. I only wish it was so joyous an occasion for my friends and family in Gaza.

Today Israel officially announced Hamas a "hostile entity" (although that sort of had me confused-is this to say they were of "friendly entity" status before??). And made the decision to cut fuel and electricity, once again.

But fear not, country folk. U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice confirmed reassuringly that the U.S. "would not abandon the innocent Palestinians". Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni also said that Israel will continue to supply Gaza's humanitarian needs, just not "all the needs that are more than the humanitarian".

... except for fuel. Oh, and electricity. So don't worry, people of Gaza, you won't starve (remember: you are on a diet). You will get to eat your (cold) Ramadan iftars,-only in the dark, and of course no water to wash down that meal (or your clothes, for that matter) since the pumps are driven by electricity. And no gas to heat your food or houses with come winter. And you'll have to consume what you get quickly, since the refrigerators (both yours and the supermarket's) won't work without power. And don't even THINK about getting sick-prevention is your best insurance policy now. Hospital ICUs will have to be powered by generators. Kidney dialysis? Start writing a will. Baby formula? Breastfeed. Vaccinations? Stay home from school.

"Civilian levers" is what the Israeli cabinet has mockingly decided to call these "measures" of collective punishment. No doubt this sick euphemism was the brain-child of the ever-reliable Dov Weisglass, of "the Gaza diet" fame.

And remember, you are the "innocent Palestinians" stuck in the middle of all of this.

Now how about some thank you notes to Condi? Its Ramadan, after all, the month of mercy, forgiveness and thanks.

giovedì 20 settembre 2007

ISRAEL-OPT: Aid groups, UN protest Israeli sanctions move on Gaza


Ahmed, 14, and Amjad, 12, during a power cut in Tal Zaatar, Gaza. The Israeli cabinet decision would allow the state to cut fuel and electricity supplies to Gaza Strip.

JERUSALEM, 20 September 2007 (IRIN) - An Israeli cabinet decision on 19 September, which declared the Gaza Strip a "hostile entity" and which would allow the state to cut fuel and electricity supplies to the enclave, has been immediately condemned by aid and human rights organisations.

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said he was concerned "such a step would be contrary to Israel's obligations towards the civilian population under international humanitarian and human rights law".

The people of Gaza are "already suffering from the impact of prolonged closure" and they should not be punished for the "unacceptable" actions of militants who fire rockets into Israel, Ban said.

The Israeli cabinet announced it would further restrict the passage of goods into Gaza and reduce power supplies. "Restrictions will also be placed on the movement of people to and from the Gaza Strip." However, there is "the intention to avoid a humanitarian crisis".

The decision, which has not yet been implemented, came a week after an Israeli military base was hit by Gazan rockets, leaving around 60 soldiers wounded.
''...such a step would be contrary to Israel's obligations towards the civilian population under international humanitarian and human rights law.''

The decision was harshly condemned by the Palestinian caretaker government of Prime Minister Salam Fayyad and President Mahmoud Abbas, as well as by Hamas in Gaza, which described it as a "declaration of war".

Two rockets hit southern Israel shortly after the cabinet decision was announced.

What the decision could mean

Currently, only food and medical supplies are generally allowed in and all exports are banned. Construction materials are blocked, while it took several weeks and international pressure to allow paper for printing school books to arrive.

Movement of civilians is also already severely limited, and Gaza's Rafah Crossing to Egypt, has been closed since June. Further restrictions would likely ban even limited access to Israel.

Humanitarian concern

Israel's Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni said the decision is in line with international law and "it's not going to affect the humanitarian needs of the population in the Gaza Strip."

However, Oxfam International disagreed.

Photo: Tom Spender/IRIN
Palestinians wait in a queue at Beit Iba checkpoint in Gaza

"Reducing the fuel supplies to a bare minimum [will] only increase the suffering of one and a half million people in Gaza, and constitutes collective punishment," said Jeremy Hobbs, the group's executive director, adding it would be "immoral and contrary to the Geneva Conventions".

Cutting power, legal experts said, would not distinguish between civilians and militants.

Israel maintains it has very limited responsibility for the Gaza Strip since its 2005 redeployment of troops and settlers from the territory. Amnesty International, however, believes the Jewish state, is "ultimately responsible for ensuring the welfare of the… Palestinians who live in the Gaza Strip", since it "retains effective control" over the area.

The Israeli human rights group Gisha said the decision was "dangerous, because operating rooms, emergency services, sewage pumps and water wells cannot run without electricity".

Al Mezan condemns Israel's new collective punishment measures against Gaza, calls the international community to protect civilians

In its meeting yesterday, 19 September 2007, the Israeli security cabinet unanimously adopted decisions declaring the Gaza Strip a 'hostile territory' and employing new collective punishment measures against it. The decision was allegedly provoked by that the Strip is ruled by Hamas since 15 June 2007 and that rockets continue to be fired at Israel from it. The measures under question are oriented mainly at the civilian population.

The new measures include limiting the supplies of food, fuel and electricity as well as expanding the monitoring and restriction of funds. It was also decided to expand the Israeli military operations in the Strip. They represent an exacerbation of already employed closures and sanctions, which have continued for years now.

Clearly, the cuts or reductions of electricity, food, and fuel supplies to the Gaza Strip are contrary to Israeli's legal obligations under international law. They cannot be ethically justified. They are also indicative of Israel's indifference towards the aggravated situation under which 1.5 million Gazans live and a reckless disregard to civilian life and wellbeing. Declaring Gaza as a hostile territory erroneously suggests that Israel is exempted from its legal obligations and criminal responsibility towards Gaza's civilians under international law. However, Israel's ability to execute these measures immediately and effectively emanates from its full control of Gaza's land crossings, air space and territorial water; which evidently support Israel's status as an occupying power in Gaza.

Three months of total closure have added to the low humanitarian conditions in Gaza. Closures caused paralysis to its economy, increased poverty and unemployment, and raised dependency on humanitarian aid to near 100%. Israel's new decisions will only threaten the life and wellbeing of the civilian population; especially as they are designed to impact the civilian population, according to statements made by Israeli officials.

Al Mezan Center for Human Rights condemns with the strongest terms the Israeli collective punishment measures against the Gaza Strip. Those measures are baseless morally and legally. Intentional targeting of civilians is absolutely prohibited under international law and cannot be justified on any grounds.

The pending cuts of essential supplies threaten civilian life; but most particularly the sick, elderly, and children. Al Mezan views this decision as a despicable form of collective punishment against the civilians, and; therefore, a crime against humanity.

The Centre deplores the declaration of Gaza as 'hostile territory', which ignores that it is an occupied territory in which Israel bears obligations vis-à-vis the civilian population as stipulated by international law.

Al Mezan also condemns the continued use, and threat of use, of excessive, disproportionate force by Israel's occupation forces as grave breaches of the Israel's obligations under international humanitarian law (IHL); particularly the Fourth Geneva Convention, and the international human rights law, and especially the International Covenant on Civil and Political rights, the International Covenant on the Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights, and the Convention on the Rights of Child.

Additionally, Al Mezan views with much concern the continued silence of the international community, which has not taken any effective steps to challenge the human rights violations in the OPT and provide protection for civilians. Those lie at the center of the human rights responsibilities of the international community and should be respected.

Not only international law obliges Israel to ensure the safety and wellbeing of the civilians under its occupation, but also to secure the provision of their humanitarian needs and maintain functioning public facilities; specially those providing heath, food, water and sanitation.

Al Mezan calls all the international human rights organizations and intergovernmental bodies that are entrusted with ensuring respect and protection of human rights to condemn the Israeli decision and to take immediate and effective actions to prevent executing it.

It also calls the international community to uphold its legal and moral obligations towards Gaza's civilians and to intervene and protect civilians. Al Mezan calls upon the international community to condemn the aforementioned arbitrary measures as collective punishment that amounts to crimes against humanity, thus pursuing the persons who ordered or perpetrated them and brining them to justice.

Weekly Report: On Israeli Human Rights Violations in the Occupied PalestinianTerritory 13 - 19 September 2007

Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF) Continue to Perpetrate War Crimes in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT)

· 5 Palestinians including 2 Children killed by IOF

o 1 victim killed in an extra-judicial execution.

· 19 Palestinians, including 6 children and 1 woman, were wounded by IOF gunfire in the OPT.

· IOF conducted 22 incursions into Palestinian communities in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

o IOF arrested 26 Palestinian civilians in the West Bank and 3 in the Gaza Strip.

o IOF raze 12 Dunums of agricultural land in the northern Gaza Strip.

· IOF have continued to impose a total siege on the OPT, and continues to isolate the Gaza Strip from the outside world.

o Severe humanitarian crisis in the Gaza Strip due to the closure.

o IOF positioned at various checkpoints and border crossings in the West Bank arrested 6 Palestinian civilians, including a woman and a child.

o Palestinian dies at J’bara checkpoint south of Tulkarm.

o Child abused at Anata checkpoint.

o Muslim worshippers barred from entering the Ibrahimi Mosque in Hebron on the first and seventh days of Ramadan.

· Israeli settlement activity and attacks by Israeli settlers continue:

o Palestinian child hit by settler vehicle north of Salfit.

o 523 dunums confiscated in the towns of El-Khader and Artas near Bethlehem.


Summary

IOF escalated violations of international law and humanitarian law continued in the OPT during the reporting period (13-19 September 2007):

Shooting: During the reporting period, IOF killed 5 Palestinians including 2 children.

In the Gaza Strip, 2 children were injured, one seriously. On 13 September, the child Hasan Abd El-Dayem was injured by the explosion of unexploded ordinance in Beit Lahia. And on 15 September, the child Ali El-Kafarna was seriously injured during an IOF incursion into Beit Hanoun. IOF also committed two extra-judicial execution attempts; but failed to kill or injure the targeted individuals.

In the West Bank, IOF killed 5 Palestinians including 2 children. On 16 September, IOF extra-judicially executed a member Fatah’s armed wing, Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades, in Balata refugee camp. And on the same day, IOF killed a man in Hebron and injured 4 members of his extended family after breaking up a clan clash in the city. On 17 September, IOF killed a child in Ramallah when youth threw stones at them. On 18 September, IOF killed a child in Ein Beit El-Ma’ refugee camp. The child was initially injured; but he bled to death as IOF prevented medics from attending him. On 19 September, IOF killed a handicapped man in the second day of operations in Ein Beit El-Ma’ refugee camp. The man was on the balcony of his house when troops shot him.

Incursions: During the reporting period, IOF conducted at least 22 military incursions into Palestinian communities in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. During those incursions, IOF arrested 29 Palestinian civilians. The largest incursion, which was still ongoing at time of publication, was into Ein Beit El-Ma’ refugee camp near Nablus. So far during this incursion, a child and a handicapped man were killed. In the Gaza Strip, IOF razed 12 dunums of agricultural land in the southern Gaza Strip.

Restrictions on Movement: IOF have continued to impose a tightened siege on the OPT and imposed severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem. On 15 September, a cancer patient heading to hospital for treatment died at the IOF checkpoint at J’bara Gate. And on the same day, IOF troops at Anata checkpoint near Jerusalem severely beat a child and let loose a guard dog on him. The child was taken to the hospital as he was suffering from considerable bleeding. He was later arrested from his house.

Gaza Strip

IOF have imposed a strict siege on the Gaza Strip. They have closed its border crossings as a form of collective punishment against Palestinian civilians.

IOF have closed Rafah International Crossing Point, even though they do not directly control it. They have prevented European observers working at the crossing point form reaching it. IOF had already closed Rafah International Crossing Point following an armed attack against an IOF military post in Kerem Shalom area, southeast of Rafah, on 25 June 2006. The crossing point had been partially reopened for short, sporadic periods to allow few numbers of Palestinian to travel through it. The crossing point has been completely closed since Hamas’ takeover of the Gaza Strip and the withdrawal of Palestinian security forces from the crossing point. At least 6,000 Palestinians stuck in Egypt were allowed in the Gaza Strip through El-Ojah – Erez route. According to PCHR’s documentation, 19 Palestinians of those who are stuck in Egypt have died due to the deterioration in their health conditions.

IOF have also closed commercial crossings, especially al-Mentar (Karni) crossing. If this closure continues, a humanitarian crisis is likely to emerge in the Gaza Strip. IOF have also continued to close Erez crossing in the northern Gaza Strip. Hundreds of thousands of Palestinians from the Gaza Strip are prevented from traveling through this crossing. They prevented traders and patients from passing through. IOF allow very few patients to travel through the crossing, but following coordination through the ICRC. During the reporting period, Nahal Ouz crossing, east of Gaza City, which is deigned for the entry of fuels into the Gaza Strip, was opened for standard fuel for one day only.

West Bank

IOF have tightened the siege imposed on Palestinian communities in the West Bank. They have isolated Jerusalem from the rest of the West Bank. Contrary to promises by the Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert to ease restrictions on movement in the West Bank, IOF positioned at various checkpoints in the West Bank have continued to impose severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians. IOF also erected more checkpoints on the main roads and intersections in the West Bank. During the reporting period, IOF soldiers positioned at various checkpoints and border crossings in the West Bank arrested at least 6 Palestinian civilians. In addition, IOF closed checkpoints surrounding Nablus several times during the week, especially during rush hour traffic.

On 15 September, a cancer patient heading to hospital for treatment died at the IOF checkpoint at J’bara Gate. And on the same day, IOF troops at Anata checkpoint near Jerusalem severely beat a child and let loose a guard dog on him. The child was taken to the hospital as he was suffering from considerable bleeding. He was later arrested from his house.

Settlement Activities: Israeli settlers living in the OPT in violation of international humanitarian law have continued to attack Palestinian civilians and property. During the reporting period, an Israeli vehicle hit and killed Mohammad Abu Yacoub (14) north of Salfit. Israeli police established that the vehicle driver did not attempt to avoid the child or to use the brakes. And on 18 September, the IOF commander in Bethlehem issued a military order confiscating 523 dunums of Palestinian land in the towns of El-Khader and Artas near Bethlehem.

Israeli Violations Documented during the Reporting Period (13-19 September 2007)

Middle East Mind Lock The Occupation Within

James Brooks, CounterPunch, 07/09/07. Israel's "right to defend itself" assumes the "harsh necessity" of its military and civilian occupation of Palestinian land, which is an illegal act of war. Self-defense = Aggression

Israel's security depends upon the continual provocation of forces that will threaten Israel's security when provoked. Security = Promotion of insecurity

Israelis' freedom depends upon the imprisonment of another people. (2) Freedom = Denial of freedom

Israel's democracy depends upon the racist exclusion of its indigenous citizens and the empowerment of the most intolerant of its privileged citizens. (3-5) Democracy = Apartheid

Israel is a "bastion of religious freedom" in which civil law is based on an "orthodox" version of a single religion. (6) Religious freedom = Religious exclusivity

Israel's continued prosperity requires "market liberalization" that dramatically increases poverty and consolidates wealth at the top. (7,8) Prosperity = Poverty

Israel's commitment to the rule of law and sound economic policy (which promises to earn it a seat at the OECD next year) is reflected it its continuing slide down international corruption indexes, an unending string of serious political scandals, and thriving organized crime. (9-11) Legality = Lawlessness

Peace for Israel requires its negotiating partners to accept terms that fall far short of their people's minimum standards for peace. Whether or not these terms are met, the formula is: Peace = Continual war

Prospects for peace are enhanced when negotiating partners collaborate in banning, imprisoning, and isolating their constituents who oppose Israel's terms. Such actions also signal the negotiating partners' "commitment to democracy". (12-14) Peacemaking = Democracy = Unconstitutional oligarchy, collective punishment, and civil strife = Illegitimacy and probable failure of any agreements reached between Israel and its partners = Continual (land-grabbing) war.

Ideologies create the authoritative psychic space within which the unthinkable can become possible. At one time, few could have imagined that the west's Christian democracies would support a concrete wall splitting the little town of Bethlehem in two, or that the United States would pay for decades of bloody ethnic cleansing in the Holy Land. Israel's ideology (to some extent crafted to appeal to western powers) supplied the framework of justification that made it possible.

full text

James Brooks serves as webmaster for Vermonters for a Just Peace in Palestine/Israel. He can be contacted at jamiedb@wildblue.net

Notes

1. John McMurtry, Value Wars: The Global Market Versus the Life Economy (London and Sterling Va.: Pluto Press, 2002), 277 pages.

2. Prison within a Prison, Gideon Levy, MIFTAH, 8/27/2007

3. GDP per capita of Arab Israelis third of that of Jews, YNetNews, 1/18/2007

4. IRIN reports on the devastation caused to Bedouins by the Israeli forces in the Negev Ma'an News Agency, 6/27/2007

5. Mr. Lieberman Comes to Washington, Will Youmans, CounterPunch, 12/8/2006

6. Only Orthodox conversions accepted in Israel, Boim stresses, YNetNews, 5/23/2007

7. NII report: 100,000 newly poor, half of them children, Ha'aretz, 9/1/2006

8. Netanyahu: Cut taxes for rich to help poor, Dalia Tal, Globes Online, 6/26/2007

9. A supreme effort is required, Ze'ev Segal, Ha'aretz, 5/27/2007

10. Poll: 85% of public believe the leadership is corrupt, Ha'aretz, 1/11/2007

11. Dichter: Police trying to block mafia's bottle recycling takeover, Ha'aretz, 1/9/2007

12. Hamas members arrested by the Palestinian Authority, Ma'an News Agency, 8/22/2007

13. U.S.-Backed Campaign Against Hamas Expands to Charities, Adam Entous, MIFTAH, 8/22/2007

14. Abbas urges Socialist leaders to help isolate Hamas
By Aude Marcovitch, Middle East Online, 6/29/2007

mercoledì 19 settembre 2007

Israeli High Court allows the construction of the Segregation Wall on Lands of Um Salamuna village

The Applied Research Institute of Jerusalem, 05/09/07. On August 2, 2007, the Israeli Supreme Court rejected the petition filed by the Palestinian residents of Um Salamouna village southwest Bethlehem Governorate, regarding the building of the Israeli Apartheid Wall which stretches across the village’s lands, isolating approximately 500 dunums which constitutes 41.5 % from the total village area (1200 dunums). The Israeli court rejected the petition filed by the local resident of the village using the common Israeli pretext 'vital to the security of Israel.'
The Palestinian residents of Um Salamouna village filed the petition in January 25, 2007 to the Israeli Supreme Court under file number 07/834, after the Israeli Army started construction work to build the Israeli Apartheid Wall on their lands, causing severe damages to their agricultural areas. The filed petition specifically was put against the Israeli military order number 69/06/T, issued by the Israeli Army in September 5, 2006, in which 152 dunums of the village lands were declared confiscated to construct the planned Israeli terminal on the western entrance of Um Salamouna village and to resume the construction of the Israeli Apartheid Wall at the same area. See Map 1

Um Salamouna, Location & Population
Um Salamouna is a Palestinian village located 7.8 km south of Bethlehem Governorate. It has a population of 807 residents (PCBS 2006). The village is bordered by Marah M’allah village and Za’tara bypass road from its north and the under construction Israeli commercial terminal from its northwest, the Israeli Apartheid Segregation Wall from its western side, and to the eastern side is Al Halqum village, and Marah Rabah village at its south side.
The Israeli Tightening on Um Salamouna
Um Salamuna village became a target of the Israeli Army when it was decided to rip the village apart by building the Apartheid Wall and a terminal on the agricultural lands at the northwestern entrance of the village, cutting off the residents from their traditional link to surrounding areas for commercial or social activities.
More over, The Israeli plan for Um Salamouna terminal comes to serve the Israeli policy to tighten the grip on the Palestinian residents and their movement and access to their agricultural lands, but more than that, it will serve as a commercial terminal leading to alternative route for the Palestinian trucks or any other form of Palestinian transportation on bypass road # 60, which will be restricted Israeli settlers use, another form of Israel’s apartheid system in the occupied Palestinian territory. For more clarification refer to the previously written case study (Israeli Military Orders to demolish Six Palestinian Houses in Um Salamouna Village South of Bethlehem City. May 8, 2007).
To Conclude
Um Salamouna village, as well as most of the Palestinian villages and cities, is facing an endless suffering because of the Israeli colonization practices against their lands and properties, and the Israeli Segregation Wall is one of the Israeli employed tools to loot and steal as much as possible of the Palestinian lands under the pretext of 'security.'
Under the International law rules and conventions, Israel is prohibited from destroying or/ and seizing Palestinians' lands and properties, unless such acts constitute a military necessary and as long it is carried out on temporary bases.
  • Article 147 of the Fourth Geneva Convention indicated that: Extensive destruction and appropriation of property not justified by military necessity and carried out unlawfully and wantonly, is a grave breach of the Convention.
  • Article 23 of the Hague Convention of 1907 also provides: In addition to the prohibitions provided by special Conventions, it is especially forbidden to destroy or seize the enemy's property, unless such destruction or seizure be imperatively demanded by the necessities of war;