venerdì 7 settembre 2007

Un homme, sa jeune épouse française, sa famille, in the Abbas-Fayyad Israeli recognised State of Palestine (2)

Cette nuit à 1h30 les soldats sont venus à la maison, ils sont
repartis un peu avant 5h.
Nous les avons entendus arriver, mais je ne les voyais pas par la
fenêtre. Ils ont commencé à taper à la porte du bas comme des
forcenés.
Wajdi et son père son partis ouvrir. Entre temps, le voisin, sa femme
et sa fille d'1an nous ont rejoins par peur.
Je tremblais quand Wajdi est descendu pour leur ouvrir, je ne me
souviens pas si j'étais assise ou debout quand ils ont franchi le
seuil.
C'est drôle comme ils m'ont paru grand, je me demandais si c'était la
situation, leurs bottes ou une sélection à l'examen d'entrée.
Je n'ai plus tremblé après, mon cerveau m'a déconnecté, j'étais comme
dans un rêve, cela n'existait pas, cela n'a jamais existé.
Nous nous sommes assis sur le canapé, silencieux. La mère de Wajdi
récitait à voix basse des versets du Coran, nous avons tous allumé une
cigarette, puis deux. Wajdi a demandé de l'eau pour nous. Ils ont
demandé à Wajdi de fermer les fenêtres, Wajdi leur a dit "are you
affraid to close it by yourself".
Un des soldats nous "gardait", debout, son arme visant nos genoux, au
cas où. Nous avons échangés nos places pour que Wajdi vienne s'asseoir à
côté de moi. Chacun de nos mouvement était doux, au moindre mouvement
brusque les coups pouvaient partir. Nous ne le devinions pas, nous le
sentions.
Mon sourire est ma plus grande force, la pire de mes insultes, alors
j'ai souri, caressé le visage de Wajdi, croqué bruyamment mes bonbons,
ri abondamment aux mots d'humour de Wajdi. Ils n'existaient pas.
Nous entendions leurs vas et viens, les meubles qui bougeaient,
appréhendions le vol de nos affaires. Pas très adroite comme toujours,
j'avais planqué mon ordi et mes bijoux dans l'armoire, comme me l'a
dit Wajdi j'aurai mieux fait de les laisser là où ils étaient !!!
Le père de Wajdi a demandé à aller aux toilettes, ils ont refusé
d'abord. Wajdi a commencé à s'énerver, la tension est monté, puis ils
l'ont autorisé. Moi je me suis retenue, je n'en pouvais plus mais j'ai
remercié les challenges que je faisais à mes parents petite "non je ne
suis pas une pisseuse, je peux me retenir des heures".
En repartant, ils ont utilisé Wajdi comme bouclier humain, j'avais
peur pour Wajdi. Peur qu'il se prenne une balle, peur qu'ils l'arrêtent.
J'attendais en haut de l'escalier, Wajdi est remonté, j'ai remercié du
fond du coeur ses parents de m'avoir laissé ce moment pour moi toute
seule, le voir remonter, le serrer dans mes bras.
Ils ont relevés les noms et les numéros d'immatriculation des cartes
d'identités des hommes. Pas un seul coup de feu n'a été tiré de toute
la nuit, c'est la première fois depuis que je suis à Naplouse. Ils vont
revenir, ils ont aimés notre appartement, puis c'est sur ils
envahiront la ville.
Nous n'en avons pas parlé hier. J'ai découvert ma chambre sans dessus
dessous, ils avaient marché partout, sur le lit, les coussins, les
meubles étaient complètement retournés.
Difficile d'affronter cette journée. Pas envie de continuer à faire
semblant. Wajdi m'a convaincu de parler avec lui, il avait besoin de
parler lui aussi. Lui aussi il faisait semblant. Il m'a raconté
comment ils lui ont demandé de se déshabiller lorsqu'il leur a ouvert
la porte de l'immeuble. Il m'a raconté comment lorsqu'il a fermé les fenêtres
des chambres il s'est mis à quatre pattes pour éviter les tirs des
militants. L'un des soldats l'a provoqué, alors de rage il s'est levé,
il n'en avait plus rien à foutre de se prendre une balle.
Lorsqu'il est descendu, l'un des soldats à voulu l'arrêter et l'emmener,
le chef l'en a empêché. Nous savons que ce sera pour l'utiliser plus
tard. En parlant avec Wajdi j'ai réalisé que plus tard signifiait peut-être
ce soir.
Il a mal de ne pas avoir répondu plus violemment, moi je l'admire.
Chacune des questions qu'ils nous ont posé portait un peu plus profond
le couteau sous notre gorge "pourquoi une balle est venue se loger
dans l'armoire de ses parents, pourquoi Wajdi à téléphoné à notre voisin
lorsque les soldats sont arrivés, pourquoi le téléphone de la maison
s'est mis à sonner à 4h du mat..." Je n'aurai pas eu la moitié des
réponses qu'il a donné.
Je vais aller manger, Wajdi m'attend. Ce n'est pas facile pour moi, je
ne veux pas en rajouter. Si je montre trop à Wajdi le choc que cela à
représenté pour moi il se sentira encore plus impuissant, quand je lui
ai dit que pour moi ils n'étaient pas là il m'a répondu "ils étaient
assis sur mon coeur".
Phalastine

Un homme, sa jeune épouse française, sa famille, in the Abbas-Fayyad Israeli recognised State of Palestine (1)

simona

How are you, i hope this mail will find you all well.
Sorry for my silence, i never forget one of you, you are always in my
mind, but this last period I was very busy because of my wedding in
nablus and even for my return back to nablus . I had a lot of
happiness time with my wife, family and friends, also i got a lot of work in the
association which was some of it resolving problems that a french lady
did against me and Human supporters association, and of course the
second part of the problems is the occupation, here a piece of it:

I returned back to nablus in the end of July, until now i don't remember
for once that the Israeli soldiers didn't occupy nablus at least
during the night.
So every night they come to the city they occupy houses, shoot,
explode sound bomb as usual.
Three days ago they reached the building where i live with my wife and
my parents. They knocked the main door of the building in crazy way, i went
downstairs to open the door for them, my father follow me because he
was afraid for me from them. So as soon as we reach the door, we were
already late because they just destroyed it and they immediately entered.
They asked me to take my clothes away, they used me and my father as
human shields until we reached the third floor, then they entered in our
flat. It was 1:30 AM

They obliged all of us to stay in one room plus one of the neighbour
with his wife and his daughter (as soon as the soldiers knocked the main
door of the building they came to join us in our flat because they were
afraid from the soldiers). They obliged me to close all the windows of
the flat and to switch off all the lights, then they controlled all the
flat. They asked me about all the neighbours, they registered my name
and my identity number and they did the same for my neighbours who was
with me in the flat. They had some machine which can be used for
control mobile calls or something like that, they transformed my bedroom as a
sniper place after destroying it...

We were not allowed to move from our seats, after some difficulty we got
some water to drink, i went to bring it and one of the soldiers followed
me to the kitchen. As we were all stressed, most of us were smoking, so
one of the soldiers say to my father in English "you smoke a lot", as my
father doesn't understand English i answered the soldier : "do you care
for his health??" he said "maybe" i said "that's not true. if you did, you
will not come to his house disturbing him and forbidding him to go to toilet
when he asked for it" then he says the famous sentence of the soldiers "YOU
DON'T KNOW WHY I'M HERE AND ANYWAY ITS NOT MY PLEASURE TO BE HERE!!" i said
"i hope so" he said "if you don't know why I'm here don't speak then"
i said "you should reflect about it..."

It happened between me and them this kind of discussion while they
were occupying our flat, until they told me that they were leaving but that
I had to come with them. So they obliged me to go with them until the
street as human shield where they reached their jeeps and they became in
safety. One of the soldiers who didn't like the conversation that i
had with him in the flat wanted to arrest me but the captain didn't
agree.

This is the second time that they occupied the building where i live
since i return to nablus...
This is the Palestinian life as we all know, that's become something
more than normal (but in another explanation its not normal)...

I'm sending this text to all of you friends, as i don't know what, I'm
not sending it to inform you about whats going on because i believe we
all know about that since long time!!
By the way the soldiers are in this moment in the street down, as
every night!


Friends!! Enjoy each moment of your life we never know what will
happen tomorrow!!

have a good night
Wajdi

--
Wajdi Yaeesh
Human Supporters Association
wajdi@humansupporters.org
Skype: wajdi_pal_nab
www.humansupporters.org
mobile: 00972 (0) 599.388.399
Nablus - Palestine (The Occupied Territories)

giovedì 6 settembre 2007

PCHR Calls for Investigating the Abduction and Torture of Several Palestinians

PCHR calls for investigating the abduction of 7 Fatah activists in Khan Yunis and subjecting them to beating and torture at the hands of a group suspected of belonging to Izzedeen El-Qassam Battalions, the armed wing of Hamas.

The Center’s preliminary investigation indicates that during the 8-hour span from 00:00 till 8:00 on Tuesday, 4 September 2007, an armed group suspected of belonging to Izzedeen El-Qassam Battalions abducted 7 Fatah activists in Khan Yunis, some of them security officers, and took them to an undisclosed location. Some were abducted from their homes, from the street, or from their workplace. The abducted activists are:

1- Mohammad Ahmad Ismail Kullab (26) from Khan Yunis refugee camp.

2- Wa’el Mohammad Timraz (28) from Khan Yunis refugee camp.

3- Tamer Nayef El-Shaqra (25) from Khan Yunis refugee camp.

4- Mohammad Adnan El-Masri (20) from Khan Yunis.

5- Ahmad Abdallah Kh’reis (22) from Khan Yunis refugee camp.

6- Hazem Mousa El-Faq’awi (22) from Khan Yunis refugee camp.

7- Ehab Ibrahim El-Jalous (27) from Khan Yunis refugee camp.

The abductees were released a few hours later in different parts of Khan Yunis. Some of them informed PCHR that the abductors subjected them to interrogation and torture.

The abductee Hazem El-Faq’awi, a student at Al-Quds Open University, stated that masked gunmen wearing the slogan of Izzedeen El-Qassam Battalions disembarked from a car and abducted him from in front of his house at 6:45 a.m.. They blindfolded him and took him to an undisclosed location. They interrogated him about activities related to Fatah. He added that the gunmen beat him severely using the “Falaka” (beating at the bottom of the feet), forcing him to jump, and beating him with a whip on his arms and legs. He said that the gunmen released him at 8:50 near Mubarak Hospital in Khan Yunis.

Ahmad Kh’reis, an officer in the Naval Police, stated that he was walking with a friend in Hawouz Street in Khan Yunis refugee camp at about 7:00 a.m. A car with gunmen inside stopped near them. Two of them abducted him; and he was taken to an undisclosed location. Kh’reis stated that he was interrogated on previous activities related to Fatah. He said that he was forced to sit in a reversed position on a chair with his hands and legs tied. He was beaten by a plastic hose and a stick for an hour and half. Kh’reis said that the gunmen forced him to jump a few times after the beating. He was released near Khan Yunis cemetery after two and half hours.

Mohammad El-Masri, a plumber, said that gunmen in a car abducted him at approximately 1:30 near his house. They blindfolded him, and took him to an undisclosed location. The gunmen interrogated him on his activities in Fatah. He was severely beaten on the back and abdomen. He was tied to a chair and beaten with a coiled rope. Then he was hanged to the ceiling of the room for about an hour. El-Masri stated that he was released at 5:00 in the center of Khan Yunis. Abd El-Qadir, the abductee’s brother, stated that the family took Mohammad to Naser Hospital after his release, but that the Executive Force guarding the hospital refused to allow him to enter. Thus, he was taken to the military hospital in Khan Yunis, where his injuries were diagnosed as bruises due to beating.

In light of these developments, PCHR:

- Calls for investigating the abduction of the 7 activists and to prosecute the torturers.

- Views these actions as a continuation of the security chaos and attacks on the rule of law in the OPT.

Al Mezan calls president Abbas to revoke his decision issuing a new election law; calls PLC to perform its legislative role

05/09/07. On 2 September 2007, president Mahmoud Abbas issued a law-making decision (hereinafter Decision); the law it makes being without a serial number. The Decision annuls the Palestinian General Elections Law No. 9/2005 and its amendments. The new law includes 121 articles distributed on 13 chapters. Its preamble invokes the provisions of the Amended Palestinian Basic Law (temporary constitution); and particularly its article 43.

Al Mezan Center for Human Rights views with much concern the issuance of this Decision, which comes in the context of continued escalation of the internal political crisis in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) which threatens the very social and political textile in OPT.

Al Mezan is also concerned by the frequent issuance of law-making decisions by the president since June 2007 without justified necessity. This will only contribute undermining the foundations of the Palestinian political regime. It seriously threatens the principle of the rule of law of separation of powers; which is gravely affected by the increasing marginalization of the Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC).

Al Mezan considers that some of the presidential decrees and decisions as a part from the power struggle and not linked to an objective urgency that necessitate the interference of the president in legislation, for the exigencies of the situation do not require such a level of interference. Moreover, the Center realizes that the current internal struggle over power in the OPT is essentially political.

This said, Al Mezan finds it necessary to clarify its position regarding this development, which is essentially founded on the provisions and limitations of the Palestinian law. The Center sums up its remarks on this Decision as follows:

1. The Palestinian Basic Law authorizes the president of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) to issue law-making decisions; as stipulated in article 43 of the Amended Palestinian Law, of 2005. However, this power is limited to exceptional situation. Article 43 provides that the president of the PNA shall have the right, in situations of urgency that cannot bear delays when the PLC is not in a regular legislative period, to issue decisions that have the force of the law. These decisions, the same article continues, shall be presented before the PLC at its first convention after the issuance of the decisions. Otherwise, it asserts, these decisions will cease to have the force of the law. Should such decisions be presented before the PLC in the manner mentioned above, and not approved by the PLC, they shall cease to have the force of the law.

2. The Palestinian Basic Law limits the exercise of legislative powers by the president only in exceptionally urgent cases that cannot bear delay. It is Al Mezan's view that this condition is not met in the case at hand. It disputes that there exists a justifiable emergency necessitating the Decision on general elections. It bases this judgment on two reasons:

a. The Basic Law assumes that an emergency which cannot bear delay means an unexpected development or crisis which requires an immediate resolution. Apparently, this is not the case as far as the Decision is concerned with future elections.

b. It has been acknowledged by many of the president's aides that there was no intention to hold early elections currently soon. This is also affirmed by article 2 in the new law, which states that the president shall issue a decree calling for presidential and legislative elections at least three months before the end of the president's period in office or the PLC's period. This decree shall determine a date for elections and shall be published in the Palestine Chronicle. This is indicative of the fact that an emergency necessitating the issuance of such a Decision does not exist.

3. As mentioned above, Article 43 of the Palestinian Amended Basic Law authorizes the president to issue decisions that have the power of law. Nonetheless, this authority is restricted by the condition that such a decision is issued only when the PLC is not in its legislative period, be it regular or irregular. Given that the PLC is in a legislative period now, despite its failure to convene its session for various reasons, this condition is not duly met.

4. The PLC's current failure to convene its sessions or to perform its tasks requires that the two dominant parliamentary blocks; Hamas' Change and Reform Block and Fatah's Martyr Yasser Arafat Block, take practical steps to preserve their legislative powers as mandated by their constituencies and by the law. They should start the legislative and monitoring tasks instead of withdrawing and leaving the space for the executive to confiscate the legislative powers at its convenience by invoking the aforementioned Article 43.

5. The excessive appeal to Article 43, which authorizes transfer of legislative powers to the executive represented by the President in this case, constitutes an inadequate practice and is contrary to the purposes pursuit by it; dealing with a strictly urgent situation. It produces an unbalanced relationship between the powers where a dominant executive excessively seizes the powers of the legislature and judiciary, and confiscates fundamental freedoms. This situation is contrary to the purposes of the Basic Law, which explicitly sets the separation of powers and the rule of law as central principles of the PNA's government.

6. The 2007 decision fluctuates with General Elections Law No. 9/2005 and its amendment, which is already in force, by adopting a full proportional representation system with OPT as one constituency, as opposed to the mixed system according to which the last election was organized in January 2006. The Decision and its new law also deviate from the Law No. 9/2005 regarding the definition of residents, the candidacy conditions and other electoral processes and procedures.

7. Articles 36(5) and 46(6) add new criteria for the conditions of candidacy for the President and PLC offices. According to the new decision, candidates have to "commit to the Palestine Liberation Organization as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, and to the Declaration of Independence as well as the provisions of the Basic Law". Al Mezan finds these new conditions contrary to the Basic Law for the following reasons:

a. The conditions constitute unjustifiable, unnecessary constraints that deviate from accepted procedures in democratic electoral laws;

b. They contravene with Article (9) of the Amended Basic Law, which assert that "Palestinians are equal before the law and the judiciary without any form of discrimination on the basis of ethnicity, gender, color, religion, political opinion of disability".

c. They are also in breach of Article (19) of the Amended Basic Law which renders any infringement upon or restriction of the freedom of opinion and expression illegal as long as such a restriction is not provided for by the law.

d. They moreover breach Article 3(26) of the Amended Basic Law, which establish the right of every Palestinian citizen to participate in political life, whether individually or collectively with others, and in particular throughout voting and candidacy for offices in order to choose their representative by public election in accordance with the law.

Based on these observations Al Mezan Center reiterates its calls for Palestinian-Palestinian political dialogue as the only way to draw to a close the internal disparity. Otherwise, such matters of law must be decided by courts.

Al Mezan calls on president Mahmoud Abbas to revoke this Decision, which introduces a new elections law. Instead, the president should pressure the parliamentary blocks in the PLC to allow for its convention and to practice its legislative role as set out by the law. Al Mezan also asserts the necessity of national reconciliation and harmony as far as national elections are involved.

PCHR Palestinian Center for Human Rights Weekly Report on Israeli Human Rights Violations in the Occupied Palestinian Territory 30/08-05/09/07.

Israeli Occupation Forces have continued to arrest Palestinian Civilians

· 16 Palestinians, including 6 children and a woman, were wounded by IOF.

· IOF conducted 31 incursions into Palestinian communities in the West Bank and 2 ones into the Gaza Strip.

· IOF arrested 44 Palestinian civilians in the West Bank.

· IOF have continued to impose a total siege on the OPT.

· IOF have isolated the Gaza Strip from the outside world and a humanitarian crisis has emerged.

· IOF troops arrested a Palestinian civilian at a checkpoint in the West Bank.

· IOF have continued settlement activities.

· IOF demolished 4 houses in Jerusalem.

Summary

Israeli violations of international law and humanitarian law continued in the OPT during the reporting period (30 August – 5 September 2007):

Shooting: During the reporting period, IOF wounded 16 Palestinians, including 6 children and a woman, in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.

In the West Bank, 13 Palestinians, including 6 children, a woman and a resistance activist, were wounded by IOF.

On 31 August 2007, a member of the Palestinian resistance was wounded during clashes with IOF in the old town of Hebron. On the same day, a Palestinian woman was wounded when IOF used force against a peaceful demonstration organized by Palestinian civilians and international and Israeli human rights defenders against the construction of the Annexation Wall in Bal’ein village, west of Ramallah. On 1 September 2007, a child was wounded in al-‘Arroub refugee camp, north of Hebron, when IOF opened fire at Palestinian civilians at the entrance of the camp. On 4 September 2007, 7 Palestinian civilians, including 3 children, were wounded in Nablus, when IOF moved into the city and besieged an apartment building to arrested an allegedly wanted Palestinian. On the same day, 2 Palestinian children were wounded when IOF opened fire at houses and shops in ‘Azzoun village, east of Qalqilya. Also on the same day, a Palestinian civilian was wounded when IOF opened fire at him in Sa’ir village, northeast of Hebron.

In the Gaza Strip, 3 members of the al-Quds Brigades (the armed wing of Islamic Jihad) were wounded, when IOF attempted to extra-judicially execute them in Khan Yunis.

Incursions: During the reporting period, IOF conducted at least 31 military incursions into Palestinian communities in the West Bank. During those incursions, IOF arrested 44 Palestinian civilians, including a child. Thus, the number of Palestinians arrested by IOF in the West Bank since the beginning of this year has mounted to 1,877. IOF also raided al-Ihsan medical center in Bethlehem. They confiscated medical equipment, electrical appliances, fax machines and documents.

In the Gaza Strip, IOF conducted two incursions into the northern Gaza Strip town of Beit Hanoun. During these incursions, IOF leveled areas of Palestinian land.

Restrictions on Movement: IOF have continued to impose a tightened siege on the OPT and imposed severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem.

Gaza Strip

IOF have imposed a strict siege on the Gaza Strip. They have closed its border crossings as a form of collective punishment against Palestinian civilians.

IOF have closed Rafah International Crossing Point, even though they do not directly control it. They have prevented European observers working at the crossing point form reaching it. IOF had already closed Rafah International Crossing Point following an armed attack against an IOF military post in Kerem Shalom area, southeast of Rafah, on 25 June 2006. The crossing point had been partially reopened for short, sporadic periods to allow few numbers of Palestinian to travel through it. The crossing point has been completely closed since Hamas’ takeover of the Gaza Strip and the withdrawal of Palestinian security forces from the crossing point. There are approximately 6,000 Palestinians held at the Egyptian side of the border awaiting to return to their homes in the Gaza Strip. Most of them have run out of money and are living on assistance. In addition, 19 of them have died in Egypt. The bodies were returned to Gaza through the Karm Abu Salem (Kerem Shalom) crossing. In addition, thousands of travelers were allowed to return to the Gaza Strip through al-Ojah crossing, 70 kilometers south of Rafah. From there, they were transported to Erez Checkpoint to enter the Gaza Strip. IOF have also closed commercial crossings, especially al-Mentar (Karni) crossing. IOF have continued to close Erez crossing in the northern Gaza Strip. Hundreds of thousands of Palestinians from the Gaza Strip have been prevented from traveling through this crossing.

West Bank

IOF have tightened the siege imposed on Palestinian communities in the West Bank. They have isolated Jerusalem from the rest of the West Bank. IOF positioned at various checkpoints in the West Bank have continued to impose severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians. IOF also erected more checkpoints on the main roads and intersections in the West Bank. During the reporting period, IOF arrested a Palestinian civilian at a checkpoint in the West Bank.

Settlement Activities: During the reporting period, IOF demolished 4 houses in Jerusalem and its suburbs, claiming that they were built without licenses. Palestinian civilians have to go through complicated administrative procedures in order to obtain building licenses. IOF impose such procedures in an attempt to vacate and Judaize the city.

Israeli Violations Documented during the Reporting Period (30 August – 5 September 2007)

Air Defense Units Confront Israeli Aircrafts over Syrian airspace forcing them to Leave

06/09/07. DAMASCUS, (SANA): Syrian Military spokesman stated Thursday that the Israeli enemy aircrafts infiltrated into the Syrian airspace overnight Thursday through the northern border, coming from the Mediterranean heading towards the eastern -northern region, breaking the sound barrier.
"Air defense units confronted them and forced them to leave after they drooped some ammunition in deserted areas without causing any human or material damage," the Military spokesman said.
The military spokesman added that "the Syrian Arab Republic warns the Israeli enemy government against this flagrant aggressive act, and retains the right to respond in an appropriate way."

Candy at the checkpoint

Amira Hass, Haaretz, Saturday night, the Hawara checkpoint is closed. Nablus is under quarantine [curfew] until the morning. But one car leaves Nablus for Ramallah, carrying senior Palestinian Authority officials, after they coordinated this with the IDF. The VIP passengers in the vehicle are returning from a special dinner. Leaving Nablus at night is a luxury that ordinary people do without. The leaders, who represent a ruling class that is party to the negotiations for an enclave-state, are happy to receive the candy that Israel distributes to them and still do not comprehend why their people despise them.

I
t is Saturday morning at the Beit El checkpoint for VIPs (PA senior officials, employees of international organizations, Israeli and foreign journalists). The young soldier chastises an Israeli journalist: "It is really unfortunate, the things that a Jewish woman does on the Sabbath in Ramallah, on the other side."

His cheek and paternalistic tone draw a response: "It is unfortunate that a young person like you is standing here, defending the occupation."

As expected the soldier is not convinced: "I am not defending the occupation. I am defending Beit El."

"Precisely, you are defending the excessive privileges of Jews."

"No," he responds, "My father fought in the war of independence. Serving here, I carry on what he started."


I
t's noon on Thursday and Khaled, a lawyer, noticed immediately: The older soldier checking IDs at the Za'atra checkpoing - south of Nablus - is being nice to people. The soldier looked inside the car, saw the three children, smiled and gave them candy.

Khaled's first impulse was to refuse the sweets. Later he decided to give the soldier a break and not explain that the candy and the politeness do not alter the reality: this checkpoint, at the foothill of the sprawling settlement of Tapuah, is part of the whole complex of fences along roads, obstacles in side roads and dislocation of villages from their land and often isolating Palestinians living in the northern West Bank from the south.

The checkpoints in the West Bank are the focus of attention in Israel, especially when the army or the defense minister promises to lift a few. Indeed, compared to 2002 and 2004, the number of checkpoints has shrunk, but only after Israel achieved its objective: enforcing a separate system of transportation - the best quality roads for the Jews and the settlements, and the worst kind for the Palestinians.

A
s construction of the separate road network, the separation fence and the checkpoints (the large land bandits) is nearing completion, it is possible to lift a few checkpoints. It is not the amount that counts but Israel's success in shrinking the number of exits from every Palestinian district and redirecting Palestinian traffic to the few roads linking each enclave.

Guaranteed "free" movement is diverted away from the Jewish territorial contiguity created in the occupied West Bank over the past 17 years.

Saturday, three in the afternoon. Several hundred people are crowding at the Hawara checkpoint on their way out of Nablus. The rate of crossing is one person every three minutes. Estimated waiting time is at least two hours.

People are standing in the heat, most of them quiet but angry. Some whisper a prayer, others sigh. As always it seems that when the pressure is on, the soldiers move even slower.

The endless talk about "lifting checkpoints" makes redundant for most media and their consumers the debate over the role of the checkpoints. The stubborn work of Machsom Watch is sometimes effective, and occasionally one especially brutal confrontation with an Israel Defense Forces soldier is covered in the daily newspapers. But the routine of the checkpoints, which robs from the Palestinians hundreds of thousand of hours of life and energy every day, completely evades the Israeli media. This loss of time is a much more effective weapon than any artillery shell in draining the Palestinian people, until they agree to a solution of an enclave-state

Faced with Sderot and Gaza Cutting off Gaza utilities illegal, counterproductive

Haaretz Editorial, 06/07/09. Communities in the western Negev are now enduring their seventh year of rocket attacks. Israel's inability to halt these attacks stems from fear that the cost of a military operation in the Gaza Strip, which the Israel Defense Forces left two years ago, would be higher than the benefits: Many soldiers would be hurt or killed; there would also be Palestinian casualties; international understanding of Israel's need to defend itself would evaporate; and in the end, the operation would turn out to have produced only a lull before the next battle between Israel and the Palestinian organizations - which use various means against it, and not only rockets.

The distress of Israel's government, which is responsible for defending its citizens, periodically gives rise - and with greater force than usual this week - to desperate ideas. One such idea, which is being advocated by Minister Haim Ramon and, more guardedly, by Defense Minister Ehud Barak, is hitting Gaza's water and electricity networks. Stopping the flow of water and electricity is a painful and punishing step, but ostensibly not a fatal one. Its goal is to cause the Palestinian public to pressure Hamas and Islamic Jihad to stop the fire.

This idea is complete nonsense. Factually speaking, cutting off water and electricity can kill. Moreover, there is no proof that making the Palestinian public suffer would make Hamas take pity on it and embark on a cease-fire. On the contrary: Hamas consistently sabotages the flow of essential goods through Gaza's border terminals. What is being presented as a way to avoid war is counterproductive, immoral and illegal.

This last fact is well-known to proponents, who are careful to append footnotes to their proposals regarding the need to obtain legal advice. It is hard to believe that serious people would mouth off first and consult the lawyers only afterward. In reality, they understand that there is no chance of getting legal approval for deliberate harm to civilians at a time when countries, officers and ministers are facing war crimes charges in The Hague. Barak, who as IDF chief of staff during Operation Accountability, drove the population of south Lebanon to flee northward in order to exert pressure on Beirut, surely noticed that last year, the Bush administration forbade Ehud Olmert's government from damaging Lebanon's national infrastructure.

Just a month ago, the cabinet was in an uproar because the High Court of Justice was considering forcing it to honor its commitment to reinforce schools in Sderot. Now, the politicians want the jurists to save them from themselves.

Public posturing will neither solve the problem of the Qassam rockets nor protect the children of Sderot. The current defense priority is "Syria first." Until the danger of war in the North has passed, and in light of the many vacation days during the upcoming holiday season, the government should transfer classes from communities within Qassam range to those farther from Gaza - something it would have to do anyway in the event of a major military operation against the Qassams. It should also warn Gaza's Hamas government that if it does not exercise its responsibility to stop assaults against Israel from the Strip, Israel - at a time of its choosing, and without taking any steps that would necessarily harm civilians - will wage war against all those who attack it from there.

In response to Khanyunis attack: Al Qassam Brigades fired 13 RPG missiles and 3 mortar shells

Palestinian sources reported today morning that the Zionist occupation forces attacked the east part of Khanyounis city, Al Qarara district. Drones, tanks, bulldozers and helicopters came to commit a new crime against civilians. However, this time the playground of struggle is different. The resistance men are ready to respond and take the enemy away of the civilian cycle. In the early morning, Al-Qassam Brigades responded to the attack with firing 9 RPG missiles [rocket-propelled grenades] and 3 mortar shells at the Zionist tanks and bulldozers.

Two RPG missiles were fired at the Zionist tanks after eight o'clock to complete self-defense against the coming Terror to the Palestinian people in the Gaza Strip.

The total number is 13 missiles till this moment to respond the attack on the Palestinian civilians in the Gaza Strip. The attack came after the Barak declaration to set up ways to weaken Hamas control in the Gaza Strip

It is not the only attack in the Gaza Strip but there are many daily attacks at the West Bank. Yesterday, the occupation forces attacked Nablus and other areas in the West Bank.

Missile from Gaza causes schools to close in Sderot "I pray a Qassam won't fall on the way to school"

SDEROT, 5 September 2007 (IRIN) - On 3 September, the second day of the school year, a projectile fired from the Gaza Strip landed near a day care centre for toddlers in the Israeli town of Sderot. Parents in the town promptly met and decided to take their children out of all schools in the town from 5 September.

"We would have closed down the elementary schools as well [immediately], but we needed to give parents time to work out alternatives for their children," said Sasson Sarah, the head of the local parents' committee, explaining the decision.

The committee said it would protest on 5 September in Jerusalem, demanding more protection from the government.

Several children with mental disorders were in a school bus along with 12 toddlers from the day care centre when the rocket landed nearby. They were taken to hospital suffering from shock, medical officials said.

Altogether, seven rockets, dubbed locally Qassams after the version made famous by the Hamas movement's military wing, landed in Sderot on 3 September.

The Islamic Jihad took responsibility, saying they were a "gift" for the new school year.

However, children and their parents could be seen making their way to school early in the morning of 4 September.

Yosef, a second grade pupil, walked with his mother and sister. The trio, recent immigrants from Ethiopia, were nervous as they marched on.

"Last [school] year, Qassams fell near his school. When I heard about the one falling near the toddler centre yesterday, I got so scared," Galat, the mother, said.

"If the rockets fall, I run for cover," said Yosef, demonstrating what he learned from teachers in Sderot, a regular target of militants' rocket attacks, and only about 800 metres from the Gaza Strip.

"It's frightening to live like this"

Sderot has approximately 3,000 students in grades 1-12 and about another 600 youngsters in kindergartens and pre-schools.

The death toll from the rockets has reached nine, including four children. Some 2,086 have landed in the past two years, officials said, causing anxiety among residents.

"It's frightening to live like this," said Avi Tiger, the chief paramedic at Magen David Adom in Sderot, the Israeli equivalent of the Red Cross/Red Crescent.

"Don't get me wrong, even we [in the emergency services] are scared," he added.

His teams are always on high alert, he said, because "one time the rocket will hit something big".

Reactions

Meanwhile, some residents of Gaza are concerned over statements made to Israel's largest-selling newspaper, Yedioth Ahronoth, by Israel's Vice-Premier Haim Ramon.

"We should announce that for every Qassam fired towards Israel we will stop for periods of time - two to three hours - the supply of electricity, water and fuel to the strip [Gaza]," he said.

Defence Minister Ehud Barak subsequently said he ordered his staff to examine "the operational and legal aspects of steps designed to limit Hamas' rule in the Gaza Strip", including measures like those suggested by Ramon. Media reports said most cabinet members would support such steps.

"But, there is no intent to cause serious humanitarian harm to the civilian population in Gaza," a security official told IRIN.

Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas condemned the rocket attacks during a press conference in Ramallah on 4 September.

Three Palestinian children, aged 9-11, all from one extended family, were killed by an Israeli shell in Gaza just last week.


Sima Ohiyon, Israel, "I pray a Qassam won't fall on the way to school"

SDEROT, 5 September 2007 (IRIN) - Sima Ohaiyon, a resident of Sderot and mother of three, walked her four-year-old daughter Osher, which means "happiness" in Hebrew, to her new school on 4 September, a day after a rocket fired from Gaza landed outside a day care centre for toddlers.

"It's not an easy time in Sderot. There are too many rockets falling.

"This morning I was scared. I debated about taking them to school. I waited and waited, because usually the rockets come early. Eventually, when all was quiet, I decided to take Osher to school.

"I can't break her routine. She is just starting school. This is her first year. These first few days are important for her.

"My older child's school is on strike today. Last year, he stopped his after-school activities after a Qassam [rocket] landed in the football field. He was too scared to go back.

"I have to walk 15 minutes to get to Osher's school, and the whole way I pray that no Qassam falls on the way to school.

"My husband said he wants to leave this town, go somewhere else, some place safer. But our family is here and our work is here. And we can't afford to move.

"Every time the "red colour" [alert siren] goes off, my little baby, who's one year and nine months old, starts to scream. We all rush for cover in the protective areas.

"Now, even if it's just a truck backing up outside she screams. I'm worried about this."


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Can "cutting off utilities" prevent Qassam Rockets?

Ezzedeen AlQassam Brigades, 04/09/07. What if Hamas ordered the Resistance men to stop the Qassam Rockets and all kinds of resistance?? Can Olmert send his orders to the army to stop violence in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank ?? Can Olmert stop the assassinations, arrests, and attacks on the Palestinian Territories?? Or Can Olmert release the Palestinian prisoners especially the legislative Council members??

Then, why the war against the Palestinian civilians?? What is their fault?? Are all them rocket launchers??

full text

We have been warned!


Elyakim Haetzni, Women For Israel's Tomorrow (Women in Green), 05/09/07. There was another summer like this one preceding Yom Kippur in ’73, but this time the surprise attack is being readied from within, and the calamity will be diplomatic. I’m referring to the ritual sacrifice that the Bush administration is preparing for us this November that goes by the name of a “peace conference.”

Settlements in the "Land of Benjamin"
"Benjamin is a ravenous wolf; In the morning he devours
the prey, And in the evening he divides the spoil."
Genesis 49:27


The role of the sacrificial lamb will be filled by Jerusalem, Judea, Samaria, hundreds of Jewish communities, and hundreds of thousands of Jews that will become refugees in their own land ­ all this on the backdrop of national, societal, and diplomatic collapse.
The kindling and the fire for the sacrifice will be brought by Shimon Peres and his perpetual partner in crime, Terje Larsen. Serving them are Haim Ramon, Ehud Olmert, and Abu Mazen. Spurring them on are two evil and ambitious women who, like the most destructive tornadoes, are called by cute nicknames: Tzippi and Condi. On the tombstone the gravediggers will engrave the words “The Diplomatic Horizon” (for the Palestinians) and/or “Principles for the Final Status Agreement” and/or “Framework Agreement for the Establishment of a Palestinian State.” The conference will deal with “core issues”, that is to say it will uproot the core and the heart of our hold on our land: Jerusalem, borders, refugees, destruction of the settlements.

Discussions on these matters are being held continually and urgently to the end of bringing the sacrificial lamb to Washington on time, already bound and readied for slaughter. There are those who are working to ensure that the sacrificial feast will be well attended -- from Morocco in the West to the Gulf States in the East. Israel’s enemies have waited 40 years for this moment when Israel will be forced to regurgitate all that she swallowed during the Six Day War. Their eyes will finally merit to see the ceremony of subjugation whereby the Jews will return to the Arabs their lost honor and resume their proper places. To our enemies’ good fortune, manning the helm of Israel’s ship of state is a man supremely appropriate to the task of self-administering this coup de grace to the Jews -- a man dogged by failures and accusations of corruption, whose personal attributes embody all that is weak, rotten, spoilt, and foundering among the Jews in their land at this hour . . .

At this “peace” conference, the enemies of Israel from the East and from the West will dictate the decree that Olmert and his friends are writing now in absolute secret together with the Americans and the Arabs while the Israeli public, including the national camp and the settlers, twiddle their thumbs. It’s comforting to tell ourselves soothing tales such as how Olmert is weak and Abu Mazen is even weaker, and that both of them lack the standing and support among their people to undertake such far-reaching diplomatic initiatives. There are no lack of such rationalizing yarns. Whoever calms themselves in this way doesn't understand the nature and quality of the liquidation ceremony that’s being prepared for us.

This ceremony doesn't require any strength, in fact it doesn't require anything at all except for a declaratory statement, ink on paper, the most feeble exhalation of breath, an effort that even a dying man could make without difficulty. However, a declaration like this is enough to bring about, in the words of Shimon Peres, “the concluding chapter of the conflict with the Palestinians,” and, in actual truth, the concluding chapter of Israel’s independence. After this, Israel will be a state in name only. In reality Israel will become a protectorate of the United Nations, whose foreign policy and security are given into the hands of the Quartet, and whose security, that is to say our lives, are entrusted to international forces in the North, center, and South of the country.

At the sacrificial peace conference in Washington, Israel will likely obligate itself to establish a Palestinian state on its ancestral inheritance. The capitol of the new state will be Jerusalem, and not even one Jew will be allowed to live within its boundaries.

It doesn't matter that the conference will not determine on which street in Jerusalem and over which hill or through which valley the border will pass. It is of no significance that the conference won't decide how many Arab “refugees” we'll be forced to swallow. What will be determined, irrevocably and eternally, this coming year or next year at the latest, is Palestinian sovereignty as a diplomatic, international, fact ­ with finality. The rest truly isn't important. So too when they signed the Oslo Accords with only the “Declaration of Principles.” In its wake, as thunder follows lightning, we were hit by the “interim agreement” with all its details that demanded actualization: areas A, B, and C, the Palestinian “police”, inserting a terror state infrastructure from Tunis into our borders, and all the rest of the insane arrangements that buried 1,500 Jews in their land and prepared the state for its final act of self-immolation in the guise of a Palestinian state that will turn life in this land into a living hell -- an irrevocable living hell.

It’s not important that the governmental apparatuses of the Palestinian state will be weak or even non-existent. It doesn't matter whether a prime minister or the head of some terrorist faction will rule. It’s not important if this state has no economy and will live on the handouts that Israel, the Europeans, and the Americans pay to the gangsters as protection money for a modicum of quiet. The world contains a number of such non-functional states. Somalia, for example, is ruled by gangs of tribal thieves and thugs, but that doesn't in the least detract from Somalian sovereignty and from the land remaining the land of Somalia according to international law.

Herzl had a vision of a Jewish state arising with international legal recognition. Now this vision has been turned on its head, and a foreign entity is achieving international recognition as sovereign over the Land of Israel. And who is promoting this travesty? The Jews themselves.

What is the irredeemable, eternal meaning of Palestinian sovereignty? When Israel liberated Jerusalem, Judea, Samaria, and Gaza in the Six Day War, she didn’t conquer land that belonged to any sovereign power. Neither Jordan in Judea and Samaria nor Egypt in Gaza had any sovereign rights in those territories. Both had invaded those territories in 1948 in order to frustrate the League of Nations decision of November 29, 1947 recognizing Israel. Egypt never claimed sovereignty over Gaza and established military rule there from the beginning. Jordan, in contravention of international law, attempted to establish sovereignty over Judea and Samaria, but renounced this aspiration on its own initiative in 1988.

Only because of this vacuum in sovereignty was Israel authorized to utilize state lands to settle Jews in Yesha or to settle the lands in any way. Had there been a legal sovereign before Israel’s takeover of those territories, the Hague Convention would have forbidden Israel from making fundamental changes to the status quo, including the utilization of state lands. International law views the conquering military administration as custodian over the occupied territories until they are returned to the original sovereign in a future peace agreement. Until then, the conquered lands are held in trust by the occupying power. In the same way, the conqueror is forbidden from excavating antiquities located in occupied territories. They too are held in trust for the conquered power that will eventually regain sovereignty. Therefore, coins from the Great Revolt or the Bar Kochba Revolt, bearing images of the Holy Temple and other Jewish symbols, will belong to the Palestinians the moment they became sovereign over Judea and Samaria; Israel will be obligated to give up all the Jewish antiquities that she’s excavated since ’67. All this we will bring upon ourselves the moment a Jewish hand signs an agreement granting Palestinian sovereignty over the Land of Israel.

For the Palestinians to win eternal sovereignty over our homeland, it doesn’t matter that Abu Mazen today happens to be weak, or if the day after signing an agreement he resumes his alliance with Hamas, or that he resigns, or is assassinated. From the moment that Palestine is declared a state, what is done can never be undone. The Palestinians, of course, will instigate terror and wars. The IDF might conquer Shechem over and over again, but will always be forced to leave and return the land to the Palestinian sovereign. This is because the land has become Palestinian land according to international law from the moment that Palestinian sovereignty is officially recognized. Just so was Berlin conquered and destroyed and divided, but in the end returned to Germany as its capitol. Just so the Nazis came and went, but Germany remained.

I've already described how this scenario is viewed under international law. The giants in the field, professors Stone, Rostow, and Schwabel, have proven how the provisions of the Mandate for Palestine, granted by the League of Nations to Britain over the Land of Israel, are in force in Judea, Samaria, and Gaza until this day. According to the Mandate, the area of the Land of Israel is allocated under international law as the national homeland of the Jewish nation ‘in recognition of the historic right of the Jewish people to reestablish their national home in Palestine’ (including, of course, Judea, Samaria, and Gaza). Why are the provisions of the Mandate in force to this day despite the fact that the League of Nations has passed from the world and been replaced by the United Nations, and despite the fact that England is no longer here? The professors have explained that although a part of the lands of the Mandate have become the internationally recognized State of Israel and although another part of the lands of the Mandate east of the Jordan River have become the internationally recognized State of Jordan, a third part of the Mandate lands, that include Judea, Samaria, Gaza, and East Jerusalem, were left without a recognized sovereign. As long as international law doesn’t officially recognize any other sovereignty, they'll continue to be governed by the provisions of the Mandate, which states, inter alia, that state lands are to be used for intensive Jewish settlement, to encourage aliyah, and names the Jewish Agency as a tool to serve those ends.

When will these Mandate provisions cease to apply? When another sovereign will be declared over Judea, Samaria, Gaza, and Jerusalem. In the first stage, Israel abdicated her right to declare her sovereignty over Judea, Samaria, and Gaza, and left those lands undefined and ownerless. Now she is moving to the next stage, the stage of the historic terminus of Jewish rights over the Land of Israel, the stage of voluntary relinquishment of sovereignty and of transferring her rights to an alien power. In all the years of our exile and persecution, there was not found among the Jewish people any authority willing to sever the people from its beloved land. We had to return and persevere here for 120 years, undergoing difficult and bitter trials, in order to establish a state authorized under international law to give the Land of Israel a decree of divorce in the name of the Jewish People, now and forever.

Intensifying the heartbreak is the fact that Judea, Samaria, and Gaza are the only remaining territories on the entire earth (excepting the South Pole) which remain ownerless ­ as if an invisible hand guarded the ancient Jewish home for the Jewish people. And now that people’s representative is pushing away this hand in an act of historic betrayal that will resound throughout the generations. Now the more we ground and strengthen our claim that we’re the real and legal owners of Judea, Samaria, Gaza, and Jerusalem, the more we’ll ground and strengthen the newly acquired right of the Palestinians to those lands. After all, who is most authorized to gift and grant ownership over land if not the rightful owner? He and only he can legally effectuate the transfer!

When this despicable act will be final, all else will flow from it. Whether the Israeli army drags the Jews out by their hair from their homes on land that has become “Palestine,” or whether it will be left to the Palestinian murderers in uniform to do the job by themselves, from the moment land comes under Palestinian sovereignty, that will be the end of all Jewish life there.

One can almost hear the destroyers talking, from Ramon to Livni and from Olmert to Peres: Soon the Palestinians will come and sweep away everything with a giant broom, the legal and established cities together with the “illegal” outposts and hilltops. Nothing will remain of the hated settlement enterprise, and together with its disappearance will come the collapse of those that bore it, the religious and national camps that endanger leftist rule. Our rulers are an elite that sprouted from what used to be called “the rule of the proletariat”, in whose name they meant to appropriate the state in perpetuity. While the Socialist rationalizations have passed from the world and the elites represent no one but themselves, the socialist heirs still intend to rule in perpetuity.

I don't bother to ask, “Where is Netanyahu?” or “Where is the Likud and its Knesset members?” at this fateful hour. Neither am I asking where Lieberman is or what Rav Ovadia and his party are doing. I'm asking the settlers whose lands will be the first the Palestinian bulldozer overturns: “Where are you?!” “Going up to Homesh”? The return to Homesh isn't taking place in a void. Homesh is not suspended in thin air. This enterprise only makes sense and has purpose as part of a struggle for our continued existence in Judea, Samaria, Gaza, and Jerusalem that is now in immediate danger of destruction.

We need to gather all the Jews ­ all those who remain Jews ­ while there’s still time and embark on a struggle to the bitter end in order to prevent at any price taking the one step from which there’s no return, the one additional step that will pull the ground from under us and fling us into the abyss of Palestinian sovereignty.

Remember, we've been warned!

Elyakim HaEtzni


Attorney Elyakim HaEtzni was among Hebron's first settlers and is a prolific publicist for Eretz Yisrael causes. Contact him at ehaetzni@netvision.net.

mercoledì 5 settembre 2007

Qui a dit qu’Israël n’évacuait pas d’avant-postes illégaux ?

Gideon Levy, Haaretz, 31/08/07. Un enclos, trois tentes et un abri ouvert. A deux reprises, des employés de l’Administration civile se sont rendus sur ce campement de bergers dans le nord de la vallée du Jourdain et l’ont détruit. Alors ? Etat de droit ou pas ?

Un nuage de sable s’est soulevé au loin, couvrant le paysage désertique. Une jeep blanche et un camion blanc descendaient des collines : le convoi d’assistance de la Croix-Rouge internationale approchait. Un air de Darfour avec des plaques d’immatriculation genevoises. Il s’agit d’apporter des tentes, des couvertures, des conserves alimentaires et des ustensiles ménagers. Exactement comme ce que des convois semblables apportent au Darfour.

« Au Darfour, c’est mieux. Le monde entier s’intéresse au Darfour alors que personne ne se soucie de nous », soupire le vieux berger, Abed El-Rahim Bisharat (Abou Saqer). C’est la deuxième fois que la Croix-Rouge vient chez lui ces derniers temps. La deuxième fois que l’Administration civile, gardienne de la Loi, intervient ici, fait irruption dans ces pauvres campements de bergers et les détruit, les réduit en poussière, au milieu de nulle part.

Qui a dit qu’Israël n’évacuait pas d’avant-postes illégaux ? Qui a dit que la loi n’était pas appliquée en Cisjordanie ? Regardez les débris de ce misérable campement où courent des dizaines d’enfants pieds nus et des poules, des « intrus » comme dit le porte-parole de l’Administration civile, qui cherchent en vain à s’abriter du soleil accablant du milieu du désert, du milieu de l’été.

Oui, bien sûr, la Cour suprême a depuis longtemps confirmé qu’il s’agissait de « constructions illégales » ; oui, tout ici est mené conformément à la loi. Mais qu’en est-il de la justice ? Où iront ces bergers qui ont ici leurs pâturages depuis des décennies ? Quel genre de décret est-ce là qui décide que ceux-là sont des intrus et que les colons des alentours sont légalement les gens du lieu ? Et quelle est cette bravoure qui s’exerce sur les faibles et les expulse eux qui sont impuissants, mais pas sur les brutes violentes des avant-postes illégaux qui fleurissent sur toutes les collines ? Questions qui flottent sans réponse, parfaitement irritantes, dans le désert de la vallée, à Houmsa et Hadidiyah, deux coins perdus où ces bergers ont planté leurs tentes, essayant de trouver des pâturages pour leur bétail, leur unique source de revenus, pendant les jours brûlants de l’été. Comme elle est efficace la machine de l’occupation : aucune tente n’échappe à son regard, même pas ici, au bout de cette terre blessée et ensanglantée.

« De Gilad vers la vallée / l’agneau noir et doux est descendu / une brebis pleure dans l’enclos / c’est son petit qui s’est perdu », écrivait Leah Goldberg. Oh ! Comme nous aimons les bergers ! Des dizaines de poèmes ont été écrits sur le berger et son troupeau, attendrissement de notre vie, aucun autre métier ne possède une aura aussi romantique ici, dans notre courte mythologie. Depuis « Buvez, buvez, troupeaux » jusqu’à « Une flûte de berger chantera ». Mais sur ces bergers-ci et leurs moutons, on n’écrira pas de poème. La « brebis qui bêle et pleure » de Leah Goldberg n’a même plus d’enclos.

Nous avons quitté la route d’Elon, déserte, et avons emprunté un chemin de terre, soulevant derrière nous une traîne de poussière et de sable, en suivant la voiture d’un enquêteur de B’Tselem, Ataf Abou-Rov. De jeunes antilopes bondissaient aux alentours, près des vignes verdoyantes de Bekaot, une colonie baignant dans l’herbe au milieu du désert. La colonie de Ro’i verdoie au loin elle aussi. Là-bas il n’y a pas de problème d’eau.

Après quelques kilomètres de sable et de sable, nous sommes arrivés au campement de la famille Bisharat : quelques ondulations de décombres. Jeudi passé, le fléau de l’Administration civile s’est abattu sur eux, confisquant un tracteur et une remorque avec une citerne à eau, à peu près unique moyen de subsistance, et abattant les tentes sur le maigre bien qui s’y trouvait. Maintenant, les ustensiles ménagers, les matelas et les enfants s’éparpillent à ciel ouvert. Chien et coq cohabitent : la bande de chiens et la basse-cour se serrent à l’ombre du nouveau réservoir à eau qui a été amené ici pour abreuver les gens et le bétail. Cinq moutons déjà sont morts de la chaleur et plusieurs brebis ont mis bas avant terme.

Une trentaine de personnes vivent dans ce campement. La plupart sont de petits enfants, morveux, terriblement négligés. Ces gens sont de la petite ville de Tamoun, mais c’est ici leur lieu de vie et la source de leurs revenus : la famille élargie élève quelques 700 têtes de bétail. L’été, la famille tout entière s’installe ici mais l’hiver, les enfants et les femmes sont à Tamoun et seuls les hommes, les bergers, restent avec le bétail.

Nous nous asseyons à l’ombre de sacs de farine usagés, tendus entre des piquets de bois en remplacement des tentes détruites. Les femmes se serrent par terre, derrière l’écran d’un autre sac de farine. Pas d’électricité, pas d’eau, pas d’égouts, pas d’école. Rien. Malgré leur mode de vie, ce ne sont pas des bédouins mais des bergers palestiniens, même si dans les documents de l’omnisciente Administration civile, c’est parfois indiqué autrement. Abou-Saqer dit que son père est lui aussi né ici.

Cela fait des dizaines d’années qu’ils font paître leurs troupeaux dans ces espaces déserts. Qui diable peuvent-ils bien déranger ? Abou-Saqer : « Ils veulent un territoire vide. Ils veulent nous faire endurer une souffrance telle que nous partions. Ça fait partie du combat mené contre les Palestiniens ». Cela fait depuis 1997 que l’Administration les persécute ici. On a commencé par essayer de les rassembler sur des sites fermés, de restreindre leurs déplacements, et maintenant on parle de les chasser tous. Au début, ils pouvaient se rendre à Tamoun avec leurs tracteurs, en passant par les montagnes ; maintenant, l’armée israélienne a creusé des tranchées anti-tracteurs et la route jusque Tamoun est quatre fois plus longue, sans compter les barrages qui parsèment le chemin et qui n’autorisent à descendre dans la vallée bouclée que ceux dont l’adresse indiquée sur leur carte d’identité est bien ici.

Le jeudi matin de la semaine passée, le convoi des démolisseurs est arrivé vers huit heures et demie. Un bulldozer, des jeeps, des camions, l’Administration, l’Armée, toute la communauté des gardiens de la Loi. Sans un mot, ils ont entrepris leur vile besogne : en moins d’une heure, il ne restait rien debout. Les tentes, l’abri ouvert, l’enclos, tout était foulé aux pieds. Le soir, les démolisseurs sont rentrés chez eux : qu’ont-ils bien pu raconter de leur dur labeur quotidien ? Qu’ils ont démoli des tentes ? Qu’ils s’en sont pris à de simples bergers ? Qu’ils ont observé la Loi ? L’opération s’est déroulée sans heurts.

Le berger Moustafa Bisharat, père de six enfants : « Quoi, résister ? Comment résister ? Nous avons les moyens de résister ? » Ils se sont assis et ils se sont tus et ils ont regardé comment on détruisait leur vie. Les démolisseurs étaient ici aussi dix jours plus tôt, un mardi. Ils reviendront sûrement ici dans dix jours. Ce travail-là doit être fait. Le tracteur et la remorque ont été mis sur un camion pour que surtout – le ciel nous préserve ! – il ne reste pas d’eau pour les gens de l’endroit. Détruire, déraciner, effacer de la surface de la terre et assoiffer – aussi assoiffer. L’occupation pousse le diabolique jusque là. Seules deux petites ruches sont restées entières, à côté des ondulations de décombres. Ont-elles échappé au regard des démolisseurs ou ceux-ci ont-ils simplement été négligents dans l’accomplissement de leur tâche ?

Les bergers ont le visage fatigué, ridé par le soleil. En février dernier, ils ont été chassés de Hadidiya tout proche et sont venus ici après avoir échoué à l’épreuve de la Cour suprême. Eran Ettinger, haut responsable du cabinet du procureur général, a écrit en son temps à la Cour suprême : « Les décisions du service de la planification habilité pour les questions de ce genre de bâtiments ont été acceptées sur base d’un point de vue professionnel de l’aménagement du territoire et il n’y a pas place pour une intervention de cette Honorable Cour dans ces décisions ». Abou-Saqer prend à côté de lui une plaque de fer rouillée qui traînait dans le sable : « C’est un bâtiment, ça ? ». Point de vue d’un professionnel de l’aménagement du territoire.

Des poulets courent entre vos jambes, cherchant à se cacher du soleil. Un âne blanc est attaché en plein soleil, pleurant pour avoir de l’eau. « Où dormez-vous ? » « Ici ». « Où ça ici ? » « Ici, par terre ». Abou-Saqer : « Il n’y a pas d’autre moyen. Où aller ? Un demi kilomètre plus bas, un demi kilomètre plus haut. Où emmener 700 moutons ? » Vous avez envisagé de vendre le troupeau et de partir ? « Evidemment. Si les ministères s’ouvraient à nous et nous proposaient du travail, évidemment que nous partirions. Mais qui nous prendrait ? Nous n’avons jamais rien appris, nous sommes bergers. Si nous vivons ici, dans ces conditions-là, c’est seulement parce que nous n’avons pas le choix. »

« Qui accepterait de vivre dans de telles conditions ? Quelqu'un vit-il comme cela en Israël ? Mais même comme ça on ne nous permet pas de vivre. La politique ne nous intéresse pas. Qui mettons-nous en danger ici ? Qui dérangeons-nous ici ? Donnez-nous de quoi nourrir nos enfants et nous donnerons le troupeau. Mais nous n’avons pas d’autre moyen : ou être bergers ou être voleurs. Si nous devions vendre le troupeau, c’est parce que ce serait notre seule option. Et nous ne le voulons pas. Nous ne voulons pas être des voleurs. »

Dans le campement voisin, à quelques dizaines de mètres de là, Abdallah Beni Odi est assis, appuyé sur sa canne, chaussures défaites. La soixantaine, partiellement paralysé au niveau des jambes, il ne parvient à se mettre debout qu’avec difficulté. Son état s’est aggravé ces dernières années. Il est assis sur ce qu’il reste d’une chaise en plastique sauvée des décombres, et sous une toile tendue entre deux piquets. Son campement a lui aussi été démoli, mêmes images de désastre que chez ses voisins.

« Armée de défense d’Israël. Décret en matière de sécurité (Judée et Samarie) n° 378, 1970. Administration civile, unité centrale de surveillance. Avertissement d’obligation d’évacuation d’un territoire fermé. Enclos + trois tentes et abri ouvert. Tracteur, remorque et citerne. »

Le porte-parole de l’Administration civile a communiqué ceci, en réponse à une interpellation de « Haaretz » : « Les bâtiments qui font l’objet de votre interpellation ont été construits de manière illégale. C’est pourquoi l’unité de surveillance de l’Administration civile a exécuté les derniers ordres de destruction qui s’y rapportaient. L’exécution de l’ordre de démolition à l’encontre d’un bâtiment non autorisé à Hadidiya a même été examinée à deux reprises par la Cour suprême à la demande des habitants du lieu et pour ces deux requêtes, c’est le point de vue de l’Administration civile qui a été reçu ».

Le vert des colonies des alentours agace, narguant la misère de leur existence. Du camion de la Croix-Rouge est déchargée l’aide offerte par le monde aux réfugiés de Houmsa. Le petit groupe de bergers observe ce qui se passe avec indifférence. La suissesse contrôle les listes, le chauffeur palestinien décharge un matelas après l’autre, une tente après l’autre, un service à café après l’autre. D’ici quelques jours, tout le monde le sait ici, tout cela sera foulé aux pieds.

(Traduction de l'hébreu : Michel Ghys)

Source traduction : Palestine Solidarité
http://www.palestine-solidarite.org/analyses.Gideon_Levy.310807.htm