Pancia mia fatti capanna

Hanno vinto i palestinesi, ha vinto il terrorismo, ha vinto l'arroganza, ha vinto la propaganda, ha vinto la disonesta', ha vinto l'ipocrisia, ha vinto l'odio, ha vinto la paura.

Israele ha perso. I Paesi donatori, firmando quell'assegno hanno firmato la fine di Israele perche' non avremo mai piu' pace.

Deborah Fait, Informazione Corretta, 18.12.07. Dunque, pensavano di dargli 5.6 miliardi di dollari e invece hanno raccolto 7.4 miliardi, tantini ma sempre 3 miliardi di meno di quanto ricevuto da Arafat nel 1993, ben 10 miliardi di verdoni!

Vediamo un po', con quei 10 miliardi, in 7 anni, i palestinesi non sono stati in grado di costruire nemmeno un pollaio per le galline, non hanno saputo neppure asfaltare un paio di strade o riparare le fognature costruite da Israele negli anni dell'occupazione e da loro spaccate a martellate perche' la loro cacca andasse tutta a inquinare il mare della Striscia di Gaza.

Con quei 10 miliardi di dollari non hanno saputo creare un solo posto di lavoro, fedeli al loro credo che lavorare stanca e che e' molto meglio farsi mantenere.

Con quei 10 miliardi pero' hanno costruito villone holliwoodiane per i capetti mafiosi, hanno aperto conti in banca in tutto il mondo, hanno permesso alla moglie di Arafat di condurre una vita principesca a Parigi e hanno comprato armi, tante armi, navi intere piene di armi, hanno convinto migliaia di giovani a diventare bombe umane sovvenzionando le loro famiglie, hanno adibito le ambulanze della Mezzalunarossa a "padroncini" porta armi e a "navette" per terroristi.

Hanno speso milioni di dollari per la propaganda che, grazie a loro e alla loro infernale capacita' di mentire, fa di Israele il paese piu' odiato del mondo.

Con quei 10 miliardi e a tutti quelli ricevuti in seguito, hanno trasformato Israele in un campo di battaglia in cui i loro terroristi hanno potuto esprimere il meglio della loro demoniaca cultura della morte e soddisfare la voglia di sangue di chi li armava e li mandava a farsi esplodere in mezzo a noi.

Bene , adesso con 7.4 miliardi di dollari distribuiti a casaccio, dove vanno vanno, chi se ne frega, l'importante e' che alla fine diano problemi a Israele, potranno armarsi di piu' e meglio, potranno addestrare altri terroristi, potranno anche dare una mano a hamas per rendere piu' potenti i loro missili in modo da colpire Israele nel profondo.

Perfetto. non mi aspettavo niente di meglio da Parigi, dopo la schifezza di Annapolis che ha visto un drammatico voltafaccia americano nei confronti di Israele.

In quei giorni girava una vignetta in Israele: il Ku Klux Klan che urlava davanti a un ristorante "vietato l'ingresso agli ebrei e ai negri", poi dopo il discorso della Rice, i cartelli portavano solo lo slogan "vietato l'ingresso agli ebrei".

Una cosa mi ha strappato una grande risata, amara, nel leggere l'elenco di chi godra' di tanto ben di Dio: 115 milioni di dollari verranno assegnati all'UNRWA.

Ma come , disgraziati, ma come, l'UNRWA e' l'organizzazione che , insieme ad Arafat, si e' letteralmente bevuta i soldi ricevuti negli anni, e' l'organizzazione che ha costretto, insieme ad Arafat, i palestinesi a stare rinchiusi nei campi per usarli come propaganda antiisraeliana e come bombe umane ad orologeria!

Ma come, disgraziatissimi! L'UNRWA e' un pozzo nero di corruzione, di aiuti al terrorismo, di impiegati nullafacenti usati solo per aprire le porte a terroristi in fuga e voi, donatori del cavolo, gli date altri milioni di dollari!

Certo, pancia mia fatti capanna! Stanno gia' facendo le capriole , soldi soldi soldi soldi soldi, hanno ancora una volta turlupinato il mondo!

Ho letto che l'Italia finanziera' la giustizia, la sanita' e l'istruzione palestinese. Alloooora, siamo a posto! Non vedremo piu' soltanto bambini palestinesi sognare islamicamente paradisi di giochi e dolciumi per piccoli martiri assassini, vedremo anche tanti presepi natalizi con Giuseppe-Arafat e Maria-Suha in adorazione del piccolo Gesu-Mohamed al Durra adagiato in una mangiatoia.

Hanno vinto i palestinesi, ha vinto il terrorismo, ha vinto l'arroganza, ha vinto la propaganda, ha vinto la disonesta', ha vinto l'ipocrisia, ha vinto l'odio, ha vinto la paura.

Israele ha perso.

Avete sentito parlare a Parigi, e prima ad Annapolis, di Sderot?

Avete sentito parlare di Gilad Shalit?

Qualcuno si ricorda di Eldad e Udi?

I Paesi donatori, firmando quell'assegno hanno firmato la fine di Israele perche' non avremo mai piu' pace.

Che Dio li perdoni, io certamente no!

ONU Humanitarian Monitor occupied Palestinian territory November 2007

Update on Closure of Gaza Crossings
The Rafah, Karni and Sufa crossings remain largely closed during the reporting period for the movement of goods and people to and from the Gaza Strip. Kerem Shalom is the only crossing point open for the import of commercial and humanitarian supplies as well as for a limited amount of export of agricultural products. In November 2007, a total of 1,813 truckloads, including 255 from humanitarian agencies, were allowed into Gaza, and between 28 and 30 November, 12 truckloads of exports (23 tons of strawberries and some 370,000 flowers) were allowed to leave Gaza through Kerem Shalom. This is only the second time that exports have left the Gaza Strip since the mid-June 2007 closure (the first time was on 27 August when seven truckloads of potatoes were allowed out). Since 28 October 2007, also the Sufa crossing has remained mostly closed for the import of goods. Exceptionally, 176 truckloads carrying 6,834 calves were allowed into Gaza through this crossing, compared to 501 truckloads carrying various commodities that entered Sufa during the pervious month. Rafah crossing as well remains mainly closed for the movement of people since 10 June 2007. Only during the last days of November, about 2,300 pilgrims were able to pass through this crossing to undertake the pilgrimage to Mecca (the Hajj).

Full text of Contents: Key Issues; Regional Focus; Protection of Civilians; Child Protection; Violence & Private Property; Access; Socio-economic Conditions; Health; Food Security & Agriculture; Water & Sanitation; Education; The Response; Sources & End Notes

United Nations Office for the
Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
Mac House
P.O.Box 38712
Jerusalem
Tel:++ 972-2-5829962/5853
Fax:++972-2-5825841
email:ochaopt@un.org
www.ochaopt.org

The long road from Paris to Palestine

Daniel Levy, Guardian, 18.12.07. Palestinian economic prospects will not improve under conditions of a continuing intrusive occupation even if the donor community is full of festive season generosity. A World Bank report, specially prepared for the Paris conference, put it in the following stark terms: "Even with full funding but no relaxation in the closure regime, growth [of the Palestinian economy] will be slightly negative at around minus 2% per year." Another far-reaching study released by the Crown Centre at Brandeis University and written by Dr Mohammed Samhouri, a Palestinian economist and former official, questions the assumptions behind the current donor strategy and finds them to be hopelessly out of sync with the situation on the ground and past experience. Part of the plan, therefore, is predicated on exacerbating Palestinian division. But calibrating economic reward and punishment to affect changes in political affiliation, especially of a people under occupation, is far from being an exact science. Such policies often carry unintended consequences, and in this case the irreversible damage being inflicted on the Gazan economy is not only inhumane and painfully shortsighted but is also likely to fuel a greater anger and sense of abandonment among Gazans. The World Bank study points out that economic restrictions have already led to the suspension of 95% of Gaza's industrial operations.

The donor assistance strategy should promote "a different and more realistic approach that would help foster Palestinian reconciliation, bring Gaza back into the Palestinian main political and economic fabric and stabilise the fragile conditions on the ground". The donor nations gathered in Paris are actually divided as regards to the West Bank v Gaza, Fatah v Hamas, framing of current policy. The Paris conference's co-chair, Norway, along with several EU and Arab states all favour renewed efforts at Palestinian internal reconciliation and dialogue, considering this to be the most propitious route to stability, security, economic growth and a meaningful peace process. The US, Israel and other key European states rigidly adhere to a divide and rule approach that is very likely to bring both economic and political prospects crashing down together.

For Europeans in particular the post-Annapolis reality contains a further twist of the knife. In Paris the EU and its member states confirmed their historical role as by far the largest donors to the Palestinians; in Annapolis the Europeans were effectively excluded from the political process with the creation of US rather than Quartet follow-up and monitoring mechanisms. We are back to Europe as payer not player. Europeans (and others) are being asked to place their faith and taxpayer dollars in a political process from which they are not only excluded, but not even given the face-saving semblance of having a role via the Quartet. A peace process that was designed to deliver would likely strengthen the Quartet partnership, not emaciate it.

If these flaws are not addressed, then the results of the Paris conference will become the economic accompaniment to the Palestinian state-building process recently described here in Comment is Free by Ahmad Khalidi as one that "does nothing to address basic [Palestinian] needs" and is "largely a punitive construct devised ... to constrain Palestinian aspirations". And that is a recipe for dissatisfaction all around - of course among Palestinians but also for an already fatigued donor community, and even for an Israel whose insatiable appetite for hollow victories is so clogging up its arteries that it threatens self-destruction.

Israel kills 13 Palestinian militants in Gaza Strip

GAZA (Reuters), 18.12.07. Israel killed at least 13 Palestinian militants in air strikes in the Gaza Strip that marked its most deadly military response in months to frequent rocket attacks from the Hamas-controlled territory. Islamic Jihad, the group behind many of the rocket launchings that have been disrupting life in southern Israel, said four of its members were killed on Tuesday as they walked out of a mosque in the Jabalya refugee camp in northern Gaza. Hours earlier, air strikes killed seven Islamic Jihad militants, including a senior Gaza commander, prompting the group to threaten suicide bombings inside the Jewish state. Israel has not been hit by a suicide bombing in 11 months, a respite that has helped pave the way for renewed peace efforts with Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, who opposes such attacks.
Rocket strikes from the Gaza Strip rarely cause injuries or deaths but residents of Israeli border towns have been pressing Prime Minister Ehud Olmert to order a ground offensive. Mark Regev, a spokesman for Olmert, said more than 2,000 rockets have been fired from the Gaza Strip in recent months.

'IDF doesn't prosecute civilian deaths'

Associated Press, 18.12.07. In the past seven years, the IDF has indicted just 10 percent of soldiers suspected of criminal offenses against Palestinians, an Israeli human rights group reported Tuesday, saying the figures raise questions about Israel's willingness to prosecute. The Yesh Din group said just 9% of investigations led to convictions. The conviction rate was less than 7%when the investigations focused on the killing and injury of civilians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, it said. esh Din's board includes Michael Ben-Yair, a former Israeli attorney general, and retired Gen. Shlomo Lahat, a former Tel Aviv mayor. According to the B'Tselem human rights group, more than 2,000 civilian noncombatants have been killed in the West Bank and Gaza, and thousands of others were wounded. Earlier this week, Yediot Aharonot reported that one-fourth of the Israeli soldiers who have served at West Bank checkpoints have witnessed, heard about or taken part in the physical or verbal abuse of Palestinians. The newspaper report cited an internal military survey.

"The low number of investigations opened and the minute number of indictments served reveal the [military's] de facto derogation of its duty to protect the civilian Palestinian population against offenses committed by its soldiers," said Michael Sfard, Yesh Din's legal counsel. "It means that in this area, too, non-enforcement prevails in the occupied territories, and there is no doubt that the soldiers who serve there enjoy a feeling of immunity from investigation and prosecution, which inevitably leads to a rise in the number and severity of the offenses committed by them," Sfard added. Basing its report on statistics solicited from the military, Yesh Din reported that 1,091 criminal investigations were launched between September 2000 and June 2007. Of that number, 118, or 10%, were indicted, and 101, or 9%, were convicted. Of the 239 investigations into the killing and injury of Palestinian civilians, 16 resulted in convictions, or 6.7%, Yesh Din reported.

Israel has put up hundreds of roadblocks and barriers across the West Bank since late 2000 to keep terrorists from attacking Israeli civilians. Haaretz reported that the military revised its investigations policy in the West Bank and Gaza shortly after the second intifada began and quickly escalated to investigate only cases in which civilians were suspected of being harmed without justification. The previous policy had been to investigate every Palestinian death.

Officials: Israel to allow construction in existing W. Bank settlements

Haaretz by Reuters, 18.12.07. Israel will allow construction within built up areas of existing Jewish settlements in the West Bank, but will not expand beyond those areas, Israeli officials said on Monday. The position could widen the rift in U.S.-backed peace talks launched by Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas during a regional peace summit held in Annapolis, Maryland last month. The Palestinians say the negotiations, the first in seven years, hinged on Israel committing to halt all settlement activity, including "natural growth," as called for under the long-stalled road map peace plan. The Bush administration has likewise urged Israel to stop settlement expansion. A senior Israeli official said "We don't need American approval if we are doing something that we think, as a sovereign state, we should do."

While Israel's decision would allow construction within existing built-up areas, the land that lies between existing buildings and the much larger outer jurisdictional boundaries of the settlements would be off limits, officials said.

The first round of the peace talks following Annapolis opened in discord last week after the Palestinians demanded a halt to Israeli plans to build some 300 new homes in the East Jerusalem neighborhood known to Israelis as Har Homa and to the Palestinians as Abu Ghneim.

The senior Israeli official, speaking on condition of anonymity, said the Har Homa development plan was approved 10 years ago by the Israeli government and called for 6,500 units, 4,500 of which are already being built and lived in.

"We told the Americans and the Palestinians that in those places, within the built-up line, Israel will continue to build, because there is no other way," the official said.

The official said the fate of Har Homa and other building projects depended on the outcome of the negotiations, which Olmert and Abbas said they hoped to complete before Bush leaves office in January 2009.

"If Har Homa will not be part of Israel, it doesn't matter if Har Homa is 5,000 units or 6,000 units, Har Homa will be dismantled," the official said.

In addition to requiring from Israel to end all settlement activity, the road map's first phase calls on the Palestinians to crack down on militants. Israeli officials have conditioned implementation of any peace deal on the Palestinians upholding their end in both the West Bank and the Hamas-controlled Gaza Strip.

"Before Palestine will be established, Gaza will have to comply with the rules that exist in the first phase of the road map," the senior Israeli official said.

The official said Israel defined a settlement freeze as a commitment not to build any new settlements and not to confiscate any additional Palestinian lands for settlement use.

Included in its definition of a settlement freeze, the official said Israel will not provide economic incentives for more Israelis to move to existing settlements.

"It doesn't mean people cannot go and live in existing settlements. Where there are vacant places, vacant apartments, people can go and live there with their families," he said.

"If somebody bought an empty lot in one of the settlements 10 years ago and he owns it, and he decides now in the year 2007, 10 or 15 years after he purchased it, to build on it, the government of Israel cannot do anything about it."

The official said it was unclear what "natural growth" included.

Related articles:

Peace Now: IDF carried out only 3% of settlement demolition orders

Jerusalem promises to freeze W. Bank settlement construction

Palestinians slam Israeli move to build new homes in E. Jerusalem

PA to U.S.: We'll accept nothing less than total settlement freeze

Peace Now Settlements in Focus - Vol. 3, Issue 5: Settlements and the Annapolis Peace Process

[Note: This [December 2007] edition of Settlements in Focus does NOT address the controversy over new tenders recently issued by the Government of Israel for the construction of 307 new units in Har Homa, a settlement located in southeast Jerusalem. We will cover this issue in detail in an upcoming edition. For further reading at this time, we recommend the December 12th lead editorial in Ha'aretz, as well as Akiva Eldar's December 10th column in Ha'aretz.]
With respect to Olmert's "bold" commitment to not build new settlements, this commitment is nothing more than a reiteration of a policy that is more than a decade old. In 1996, the Israeli government declared that Israel would establish no new settlements, and subsequent governments have repeated this commitment. Since the original declaration, the debate has focused not on the establishment of new settlements, but rather on the question of expansion of existing settlements, with Israel arguing that existing settlements should be allowed to continue to expand via "natural growth" and the Palestinians and the international community arguing that such growth was not "natural" and should not be permitted. It should be noted that Phase I of the Roadmap explicitly requires Israel to stop all settlement expansion, including expansion due to "natural growth." (For an excellent discussion of the controversy over "natural growth and what it does or does not mean, we recommend this 2001 analysis by Geoffrey Aronson, of the Foundation for Middle East Peace).

Although Israel has officially committed itself to a "no new settlements" policy for more than a decade, on the ground Israel has unofficially established around 100 new settlements which are illegal even from the Israeli point of view. The story of the establishment of these "illegal outposts" – which are in effect proto-settlements – was told in the report prepared at the request of then-Prime Minister Ariel Sharon by attorney Talia Sasson. For details of that report, see: http://www.peacenow.org.il/site/en/peace.asp?pi=61&fld=343&docid=2012&pos=0

A real "no new settlements" policy should mean not only refraining from establishing new settlements, but also dismantling all of the new settlements that have sprung up in the form of illegal outposts. Unfortunately, thus far there is no evidence that this is what Olmert means by his commitment.

"Freezing settlements" means halting ALL construction activity. This has not happened. It means stopping the bulldozers, including those operating in the "settlement blocks" and/or west of Israel's security barrier. While these latter areas may be within the so-called Israeli national consensus and may well become part of Israel in the future, at this point they are part of the area whose status must be resolved through negotiations, not through continued Israeli efforts to put houses and people on the ground. Any other definition of a settlement freeze is not serious. Any other definition will be exploited by settlers and their advocates to continue construction, and any other definition will signal to the Palestinians and the world that Israel is not sincere about negotiations.
In short, the government of Israel continues to support the settlement enterprise actively, through public investment, construction, and approvals, but also passively, by failing to enforce the law to any meaningful degree.

Produced by Hagit Ofran, Peace Now and Lara Friedman, Americans for Peace Now

full text

Prerequisiti per la pace

Mustafa Barghouti, Daily News, 12.12.2007. Come persona che da decadi ha sostenuto una soluzione basata su due Stati e la lotta non violenta per i diritti dei Palestinesi, guardo alla recente Conferenza di Annapolis con una grande dose di scetticismo e un barlume di speranza.

Sette anni senza negoziati - e un numero crescente di insediamenti israeliani, un blocco economico a Gaza e una rete intricata di blocchi stradali e checkpoint che impediscono il movimento nella West Bank - ci hanno portati alla disperazione e alla diffidenza. Ogni impegno deve essere attuato non solo per concludere un accordo entro il 2008 ma anche per porre fine all'occupazione di Israele.

I Palestinesi devono anche rimarginare le loro divisioni interne. Ciò deve includere riforme istituzionali per sradicare la corruzione e il nepotismo. Il primo passo in questo processo sono le elezioni democratiche ad ogni livello del governo.

Dobbiamo liberarci della falsa dicotomia tra Fatah e Hamas. Queste non sono le uniche opzioni. Il mio movimento, la Palestinian National Iniziative che esiste da 5 anni, offre un'alternativa puntando su elezioni democratiche, su un governo trasparente e sulla costruzione delle istituzioni. Il nostro scopo è di democratizzare e di coinvolgere il movimento nazionale palestinese in un'unica strategia che si confronti con l'attuale occupazione militare e la confisca della nostra terra e delle nostre risorse. Noi ci battiamo per raggiungere i nostri diritti nazionali nel nostra paese e per stabilire una giustizia sociale e sostenere i diritti degli svantaggiati e degli emarginati, incluse le donne, i bambini e le persone disabili.

La Palestinian National Iniziative è nata in risposta agli appelli della popolazione palestinese per la possibilità di partecipare nella creazione di uno stato indipendente, fattibile, democratico e prosperoso che garantisca sicurezza, giustizia, uguaglianza davanti alla legge e una vita dignitosa per i suoi cittadini.

Il fermo impegno del nostro movimento per la democrazia e la non violenza può essere visto, per esempio, nelle nostre manifestazioni pacifiche contro il muro dell'Apartheid israeliano. Per oltre due anni, abbiamo sostenuto la lotta popolare di Bil'in, villaggio della West Bank, per la rimozione del muro dalla sua terra. Abbiamo reiterato queste azioni non violente, con il sostegno di gruppi di solidarietà internazionali, in altre città e villaggi della Cisgiordania.

Ma la piena democrazia, una reale riforma e unità che il nostro popolo merita non può fiorire sotto i presupposti dell'occupazione. Il governo di unità nazionale è crollato quest'anno quando il governo era incapace di pagare i suoi lavoratori dopo che Israele ha trattenuto centinaia di milioni di dollari in tasse che appartenevano all'Autorità Palestinese.

Inoltre, troppi civili innocenti palestinesi e israeliani hanno sofferto e sono morti a causa della persistenza dell'occupazione militare delle nostre terre da parte di Israele. La nostra vita quotidiana peggiora perché siamo continuamente schiacciati e ridotti in riserve di terra sempre più piccole e Israele continua ad accerchiare Gerusalemme con insediamenti illegali che la segregano e separano dalla West Bank. Il numero delle colonie israeliane nella West Bank, inclusa l'occupata Gerusalemme Est, è cresciuto dalle 268,000 a più di 420,000 da quando furono firmati gli accordi di pace di Oslo. Anche oggi, Israele sta tradendo le sue promesse - sotto la "road map" per la pace sponsorizzata dagli Stati Uniti - di congelare ogni attività degli insediamenti.

Siamo consapevoli della storia dolorosa dei nostri vicini Israeliani. La sofferenza sopportata dagli Ebrei nell'Europa Cristiana è stata terribile. Ma oggi, Israele ha la più grande potenza militare del Medio Oriente, e i Palestinesi sono quelli che soffrono di più.

I palestinesi hanno partecipato ad Annapolis in buona fede. Ma noi non possiamo semplicemente abbandonare i diritti del nostro popolo, rifugiati inclusi. Noi cerchiamo per loro niente di più di quello che spetta loro secondo il diritto internazionale, e un modo deve essere trovato per arrivare a questi diritti inalienabili.

Abbiamo fatto la nostra più generosa offerta nel concordare di stabilire il nostro Stato sovrano nella Cisgiordania e a Gaza, solo con il 23% della Palestina storica. Questo è approssimativamente la metà di quello che le Nazioni Unite ci hanno assegnato circa 60 anni fa. Abbiamo già più che fatto il nostro compromesso storico con Israele. Compromettere il compromesso rischia di lasciarci con uno scheletro di stato.

E uno stato insensato e vuoto non è la base su cui costruire una pace sostanziale. Uno stato solo di nome non sarà abbastanza. Uno stato richiede sovranità. Uno stato richiede libertà di movimento e una libera economia. Uno stato richiede un governo democraticamente eletto che possa governare indipendentemente, senza interferenze da parte di Israele.

Annapolis ha rappresentato un'opportunità – forse l'ultima prima che la possibilità di una soluzione di due Stati svanisca. Il popolo palestinese concorderà sui due Stati solo quando Israele ritirerà i suoi insediamenti e rimuoverà il muro, quando finirà la sua brutale occupazione militare dei territori palestinesi conquistati nel 1967, quando riconoscerà i diritti dei rifugiati e sarà d'accordo nel condividere Gerusalemme come capitale di entrambi gli Stati. Tuttavia, se la soluzione di due stati diventasse impossibile, i futuri leader di Palestina potrebbero essere costretti a chiedere uguali diritti all'interno di uno stato. Spetta a Israele accelerare verso una soluzione di due stati.

La domanda di base che i Palestinesi hanno per Israele è: Saremo trattati come uguali esseri umani, con pari diritti e pari dignità? Se la risposta è sì, allora ci sarà una soluzione basata sui due stati. Allora ci sarà la pace.

Mustafa Barghouthi, medico, membro del Parlamento Palestinese e ex Ministro dell'Informazione, ha fondato organizzazioni che assicurano servizi sanitari per i Palestinesi. La sua mail è mustafa@hdip.org.

da Daily News - 12.12.2007

traduzione dall' inglese a cura ufficio Segreteria di Luisa Morgantini

luisa.morgantini@europarl.europa.eu tel. 0039 06 69950217

The occupied Palestinian territories: Dignity Denied

International Committee of the Red Cross - the ICRC - Report 13.12.07
The dignity of the Palestinians is being trampled underfoot day after day, both in the West Bank and in Gaza.

Israel's harsh security measures come at an enormous humanitarian cost, leaving those living under occupation with just enough to survive, but not enough to live normal and dignified lives.

Israel has the right to protect its own civilian population. However, there should always be a sound balance between Israel's security concerns and the protection of the rights and liberties of the Palestinians living under occupation. So far, the balance between legitimate Israeli security concerns and the right of the Palestinian people to live a normal life has not been struck.

The 1.4 million Palestinians living in the Gaza Strip continue to pay for conflict and economic containment with their health and livelihoods. Cutting power and fuel further compounds their hardship and is contrary to fundamental humanitarian principles.

In the West Bank, the establishment of Israeli settlements affects every aspect of Palestinians’ lives and leads to the loss of much land and income, together with recurrent violence by settlers. Exhausting movement restrictions hinder access to work and have led to unprecedented levels of unemployment and poverty.

Only prompt, innovative and courageous political action can change the harsh reality of this long-standing occupation, restore normal social and economic life to the Palestinian people, and allow them to live their lives in dignity

Occupied

Throughout the occupied Palestinian territories, in the Gaza Strip as well as in the West Bank, Palestinians continuously face hardship in simply going about their lives; they are prevented from doing what makes up the daily fabric of most people's existence. The Palestinian territories face a deep human crisis, where millions of people are denied their human dignity. Not once in a while, but every day.

"To be a Palestinian means to face limits in every aspect of life. We are blocked everywhere: we lose our jobs, we cannot travel freely, we are separated from our families. To be a Palestinian means to be deprived of many things that to others are normal." Mohammed, a Jerusalemit

Nothing is predictable for Palestinians. Rules can change from one day to the next without notice or explanation. They live in an arbitrary environment, continuously adapting to circumstances they cannot influence and that increasingly reduce the range of their possibilities.

Trapped in the Gaza Strip

While the Gaza Strip is sealed off, the conflict between militants and Israel continues inexorably. Palestinian militants are launching rockets towards Israel almost every day. The Israeli army regularly carries out incursions deep into the Strip, air strikes and attacks from the sea. The civilian population remains trapped, with no escape possible, and is also affected by continued intra-Palestinian clashes.

"Even after the disengagement, they did not leave us alone, they return every now and then, levelling our land, uprooting our trees and destroying our houses. In addition, you only know that you are inside the buffer zone when they shoot at you." Saleh, farmer, Gaza

Since the violent clashes between Hamas and Fatah-affiliated forces and the Hamas takeover in June this year, the crossing points remain closed to most Gazans. Studying or receiving medical treatment in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, Israel or abroad has become nearly impossible, with the exception of patients who are in need of life saving treatment. And sometimes even they are not permitted to leave.

Since its unilateral disengagement in 2005, Israel has gradually established a buffer zone along the fence that surrounds Gaza, extending into the Strip's already cramped and overpopulated territory, with heavy consequences for the population. More and more agricultural land is being lost through the ill-defined extension of this buffer zone, and this is endangering anyone who gets too close. Indeed, Gazans are often killed, wounded or arrested when they approach the fence.

Enough to survive, not enough to live

"It is difficult to find certain types of medication, such as antibiotics. We have already run out of cereals, and these days milk powder for babies is very hard to find. When you do find it, it is unaffordable for most, as its price has increased dramatically." Dr Salah, pharmacist, Gaza

Gazans are getting increasingly anxious as shelves in grocery shops begin to empty because of the closure. Prices have skyrocketed, and the little that comes in to Gaza is virtually unaffordable. The prices of many foodstuffs, such as chicken, have at least doubled in the past four months, as stocks dwindle without resupply.

According to the World Food Programme, some 80,000 Gazans have lost their jobs since June 2007, increasing the already high rate of unemployment to the point where around 44% of the working population is jobless. Many local industries had to shut down and fire their personnel, as 95% of local production depends on imports of raw materials from Israel. Israel has restricted imports to what it deems "basic goods" – mostly staple food products – while other essential items needed to keep industry running or repair infrastructure cannot enter the Strip.

Shrinking agricultural production

"First, they took land for the road, then more land for the security zone along the road, and then they destroyed my house because it was too close to the security zone. Now they have levelled the land again. I have nothing left."Abdul, Gaza

Gaza farmers remember how green and fertile their land was in the recent past. Rich harvests from their citrus and olive trees were exported to the West Bank and Israel. Today, a large part of their land has been levelled and their trees uprooted during the frequent military incursions.

Some 5,000 farmers who rely on exporting tomatoes, strawberries and carnations to support their families are about to suffer a 100% drop in sales. The harvest season for these important crops started in June, but the embargo on exports has left them rotting in containers at the crossing points.

Crumbling infrastructure

"We don't know how this will end. Hospitals are fighting to get enough fuel. If they run out, hospital laundries will be rationed first. Then, medical equipment will be affected. And that would only be the beginning of a terrible end." Abu Hassan, Gaza

The infrastructure of the Gaza Strip is in a fragile state. Some eight months ago, a wastewater lagoon in northern Gaza containing hundreds of thousands of litres of raw sewage burst its embankments. Sewage flooded a Bedouin village, killing five people, injuring 16 others and destroying the homes of thousands. Since then, no substantial repairs could be carried out due to a lack of funding and Israel's restrictions on imports of spare parts.

Basic services such as hospitals, water and sewerage systems can only function if they are connected to the electrical grid. If the grid fails to provide the required power, all basic services will suffer.

Since Israeli air strikes destroyed a large part of the Gaza Power Plant in June 2006, it has been working at roughly half of its original capacity. The electrical supply to the Gaza Strip is precarious, unreliable and dependent on external sources. In its current state, it cannot produce sufficient power to meet the needs of the population.

As a result, essential infrastructure such as hospitals, water systems and sewerage systems is having to use backup generators. Relying on generators is risky, and creates new dependencies on fuel and spare parts, quite apart from the higher running costs. Current import restrictions are preventing delivery of essential fuel and spare parts, which means that vital services are in danger of complete collapse.

Restrictions on life in the West Bank

"I used to work at Nablus market. But in 2002, because of the city closure, I had to relocate my shop to Beita market, 12 km from my house. Because of the checkpoint, it would take me two hours to reach my shop. So I had to move to Beita, and I only visit my family on Wednesdays, when the market is closed. I miss my children". Murad, Nablus district

Access to land

The humanitarian situation in the West Bank is also deteriorating day by day. Palestinians stand by powerlessly as their land is confiscated. Over the years, Israeli settlements and roads have expanded, taking over more and more of the land that the same families have cultivated for generations.

Since the construction of the West Bank Barrier, which lies deep inside Palestinian territory, large tracts of farming land have been out of reach for farmers, as the Barrier cuts off many villages from their lands. During the summer, farmers helplessly watched as wild fires destroyed olive trees isolated behind the Barrier. They were barred from the area because the gate was not scheduled to open or they lacked the appropriate permit. Some of the trees had taken over fifty years to grow – two generations of labour and care lost in one night.

"We were woken up by the light of the flames. We ran out and saw that our olive trees were burning. The fire brigade could not reach the fields because the gate was closed. Our fields are behind the West Bank Barrier and we cannot access them every day, so we could not clean the land properly. That evening, we could do nothing but watch our trees burn, because the gate was closed" Farmers from Beitunia, Ramallah district

To get the permits needed to access his own land, a farmer has to fight his way through a bureaucratic maze, where he will be asked to provide an array of documents proving land ownership and residency. Most farmers spend hours at the offices of the Israeli Civil Administration applying for these permits. Many applications are eventually rejected on security grounds, which may include a relative once having been in an Israeli prison.

Access to roads

Many West Bank roads that used to connect Palestinian villages to nearby cities are now closed off by concrete blocks, ditches, earth mounds or iron gates. These obstacles separate Palestinians from their lands, their water sources and even their rubbish dumps. They divide one community from another, villages from cities, and districts from each other.

People in the West Bank watch from their houses as Israelis use freshly paved roads, built on Palestinian land, connecting Israeli settlements to each other and linking them smoothly to Jerusalem and Tel Aviv. Palestinians have to use dirt tracks, taking long detours to reach their schools, work places, hospitals and places of worship, or simply to visit relatives and friends.

In the once booming city of Nablus in the northern West Bank, the population of 177,000 is limited to two exit roads. They are not allowed to continue southward in their own cars but have to use taxis, putting a further strain on their already limited economic resources.

Harassment by settlers

"I had to build a high fence around my house to protect my children. Before, my children were stoned by settlers when they were playing outside. They stone us for the simple reason that we continue to live on our land and do not want to leave." Anwar, Hebron

Palestinians living close to Israeli settlements are not only dispossessed of their land, but are often harassed by settlers. The number of assaults on civilians in the West Bank has grown steadily. ICRC data collected in the field indicates that the number of offences more than tripled in the last five years, while complete police investigations are rare and most of the time reach the conclusion that "the culprits could not be identified.”

An appeal for a dignified life

The dignity of the Palestinians is being trampled underfoot day after day, both in the West Bank and in Gaza.

Israel's harsh security measures come at an enormous humanitarian cost, leaving those living under occupation with just enough to survive, but not enough to live normal and dignified lives.

Israel has the right to protect its own civilian population. However, there should always be a sound balance between Israel's security concerns and the protection of the rights and liberties of the Palestinians living under occupation. So far, the balance between legitimate Israeli security concerns and the right of the Palestinian people to live a normal life has not been struck.

The 1.4 million Palestinians living in the Gaza Strip continue to pay for conflict and economic containment with their health and livelihoods. Cutting power and fuel further compounds their hardship and is contrary to fundamental humanitarian principles.

In the West Bank, the establishment of Israeli settlements affects every aspect of Palestinians’ lives and leads to the loss of much land and income, together with recurrent violence by settlers. Exhausting movement restrictions hinder access to work and have led to unprecedented levels of unemployment and poverty.

Only prompt, innovative and courageous political action can change the harsh reality of this long-standing occupation, restore normal social and economic life to the Palestinian people, and allow them to live their lives in dignity

Déni de dignité dans les territoires palestiniens occupés CICR photo

En 2006, la barrière de Cisjordanie séparait le village d'Abous Dis, où vivent 30 000 personnes, en deux parties, séparant les familles entre elles, et les paysans de leurs champs. Abous Dis était autrefois un village prospère sur la route reliant Jérusalem-Est à Jéricho. Depuis que la route est bloquée, environ 50% des 187 commerces le long de la route ont dû fermer.
©CICR/C. Toggenburg/il-e-01050








Une famille palestinienne traverse le point de contrôle, l’un des deux points de passage, le long de la route principale reliant Naplouse au reste de la Cisjordanie. Les voitures privées n’ont pas le droit de traverser ce point de contrôle à moins que leur propriétaire n’ait un permis spécial. ©Associated Press










Des oliviers abattus par les colons à Wadi al-Hussein/Hébron en 2005. À ce jour, les colons continuent d'entrer sans autorisation sur cette terre qui appartient aux familles palestiniennes.


©ICRC/D. Vucotic/il-e-01266













Une femme cherchant ses effets personnels dans les ruines de sa maison, détruite au cours d'une opération militaire israélienne, dans la bande de Gaza, en septembre 2007.










Des Palestiniens faisant la queue au point de contrôle de Huwara, l'un des deux points de passage, le long de la route principale reliant Naplouse au reste de la Cisjordanie. Les voitures privées n'ont pas le droit de traverser ce point de contrôle, à moins que le propriétaire n'ait un permis spécial.


©Associated Press/N. Ishtayeh









Un agriculteur palestinien attend à la barrière de Cisjordanie qui le sépare de ses oliveraies situées derrière la barrière, dans la zone d'Ariel.




©ICRC/E.









Cinq personnes ont été tuées et 250 maisons détruites lors de la rupture des digues d'un bassin contenant des eaux d'égout à Beit Lahia, dans la bande de Gaza.

©ICRC/A. Abu Amshah

Déni de dignité dans les territoires palestiniens occupés

Comité International de la Croix-Rouge (CICR), 13.12.07.
Jour après jour, la dignité des Palestiniens est foulée aux pieds, en Cisjordanie comme à Gaza.

Les mesures de sécurité très dures prises par Israël ont un coût énorme en termes humanitaires, laissant à ceux qui vivent sous l'occupation juste de quoi survivre, mais pas assez pour vivre une vie normale et digne.

Israël a le droit de protéger sa propre population civile. Cependant, il devrait toujours y avoir un juste équilibre entre les légitimes préoccupations sécuritaires d’Israël et la protection des droits et libertés des Palestiniens vivant sous occupation. Jusqu'à présent, cet équilibre n'a pas été trouvé.

Les 1,4 million de Palestiniens vivant dans la bande de Gaza continuent à payer de leur santé et de leurs moyens d'existence le prix du conflit et des restrictions économiques. Couper l’approvisionnement en électricité et en combustible ne fait qu'aggraver encore leur souffrance, et c'est contraire aux principes humanitaires fondamentaux.

En Cisjordanie, la présence des colonies israéliennes influe sur tous les aspects de la vie des Palestiniens et entraîne la perte de vastes étendues de terres et d'importants revenus, sans parler de la violence récurrente des colons. D’épuisantes restrictions de circulation entravent l’accès au travail et ont causé des taux de chômage et de pauvreté sans précédent.

Seule une action politique rapide, innovatrice et courageuse pourra changer la dure réalité de cette longue occupation, assurer au peuple palestinien le retour à une vie économique et sociale normale et lui permettre de vivre dans la dignité.

Dans l’ensemble des territoires palestiniens occupés, aussi bien dans la bande de Gaza qu’en Cisjordanie, les Palestiniens luttent quotidiennement, simplement pour vivre : ils sont empêchés de faire ce qui constitue la trame quotidienne de l'existence de la plupart des gens. Sur le plan humain, les territoires palestiniens sont plongés dans une grave crise, car des millions de personnes se voient privées de leur dignité. Pas de temps en temps, mais chaque jour. Seule une action politique rapide, innovatrice et courageuse pourra changer la dure réalité de cette longue occupation, assurer au peuple palestinien le retour à une vie économique et sociale normale et lui permettre de vivre dans la dignité.

Pour les Palestiniens, rien n’est prévisible. Les règles peuvent changer d’un jour à l’autre, sans préavis ni explication. Ils vivent dans un environnement arbitraire, s’adaptant constamment à des circonstances sur lesquelles ils n’ont aucune influence et qui réduisent de plus en plus le champ de leurs possibilités.

" Être palestinien, c’est se heurter à des limites à chaque moment de sa vie. On nous barre le chemin dans tous les domaines : nous perdons notre emploi, nous ne pouvons pas voyager librement, nous sommes séparés de notre famille. Être palestinien, c'est être privé de nombreuses choses qui, pour les autres, sont tout à fait normales." Mohammed, de Jérusalem

Piégés dans la bande de Gaza

Alors que la bande de Gaza reste bouclée, le conflit entre les militants palestiniens et Israël se poursuit inexorablement. Les premiers lancent des roquettes presque chaque jour sur Israël, et l’armée israélienne fait de profondes incursions dans la bande et mène des frappes aériennes et des attaques depuis la mer. La population civile est prise au piège, sans moyen de s’échapper et elle subit aussi les effets de heurts constants entre Palestiniens.

"Même après leur retrait de Gaza, ils ne nous ont pas laissés tranquilles, ils reviennent de temps en temps raser nos terres, arracher nos arbres et détruire nos maisons. En plus, ce n’est que lorsqu’ils vous tirent dessus que vous savez que vous êtes dans la zone tampon." Saleh, un agriculteur de Gaza

Depuis les violents affrontements qui ont opposé le Hamas aux forces affiliées au Fatah et la prise de pouvoir du Hamas en juin de cette année, les points de passage restent fermés pour la plupart des habitants de Gaza. Il est devenu pratiquement impossible d’aller étudier ou de se faire soigner en Cisjordanie, à Jérusalem-Est, en Israël ou à l’étranger, sauf pour les patients qui ont besoin d’un traitement vital. Mais même eux ne sont parfois pas autorisés à partir.

Depuis son retrait unilatéral en 2005, Israël a progressivement établi une zone tampon le long de la clôture qui entoure Gaza, zone qui empiète sur le territoire déjà exigu et surpeuplé de la bande, avec de lourdes conséquences pour la population. L’extension mal définie de cette zone tampon fait perdre de plus en plus de terres agricoles et met en danger ceux qui s’en approchent de trop près. Effectivement, il arrive souvent que des habitants de Gaza soient tués, blessés ou arrêtés lorsqu’ils se trouvent à proximité de la clôture.

Assez pour survivre, pas assez pour vivre

"Il est difficile de trouver certains types de médicaments, par exemple les antibiotiques. Nous n'avons plus du tout de céréales et, ces jours-ci, il est très dur de se procurer du lait en poudre pour bébés. Quand on en trouve, il est trop cher pour la plupart des gens, parce que son prix a énormément augmenté." Dr Salah, pharmacien à Gaza

L’inquiétude des habitants de Gaza croît au fur et à mesure que les rayons des épiceries se vident en raison du bouclage. Les prix sont montés en flèche, et les rares produits qui entrent dans Gaza sont pratiquement inabordables. Les prix de nombreuses denrées alimentaires, comme le poulet, ont au moins doublé ces quatre derniers mois, car les stocks diminuent et ne sont pas réapprovisionnés.

Selon le Programme alimentaire mondial, quelque 80 000 habitants de Gaza ont perdu leur emploi depuis juin 2007, faisant encore grimper un taux de chômage déjà élevé : environ 44% de la population active est actuellement sans travail. De nombreuses industries locales ont dû fermer leurs portes et licencier leur personnel, car 95% de la production locale dépend des importations de matières premières provenant d'Israël. Israël a limité les importations à ce qu'il estime être des "biens essentiels" – principalement des produits alimentaires de base – , alors que d’autres articles indispensables au fonctionnement de l’industrie ou à la réparation des infrastructures ne peuvent pas pénétrer dans la bande de Gaza.

Diminution de la production agricole

"D'abord, ils ont pris du terrain pour la route, puis ils en ont repris pour la zone de sécurité le long de la route, ensuite ils ont détruit ma maison parce qu’elle était trop proche de la zone de sécurité. Maintenant, ils ont à nouveau tout rasé. Il ne me reste rien." Abdul, Gaza

Les agriculteurs de Gaza se souviennent que dans un passé récent, leurs terres étaient vertes et fertiles. Les abondantes récoltes d’agrumes et d’olives étaient exportées en Cisjordanie et en Israël. Aujourd'hui, une grande partie de leurs terres ont été rasées et les arbres déracinés lors des fréquentes incursions militaires.

Quelque 5 000 producteurs agricoles qui font vivre leur famille grâce aux exportations de tomates, de fraises et d’œillets vont voir leurs ventes s'écrouler – une perte de 100%. La récolte de ces cultures importantes a commencé en juin, mais à cause de l’embargo sur les exportations, les produits pourrissent dans des conteneurs aux points de passage.

Détérioration des infrastructures

"Nous ne savons pas comment cela va finir. Les hôpitaux se battent pour avoir des réserves suffisantes de combustible ; s’ils viennent à en manquer, ce sont les blanchisseries des hôpitaux qui seront rationnées les premières. Ensuite, ce sera l'équipement médical. Et ce ne serait que le début d'une fin terrible". Abu Hassan, Gaza

Les infrastructures de la bande de Gaza sont dans un état précaire. Il y a environ huit mois, les digues d'un bassin contenant des centaines de milliers de litres d'eaux d’égout non traitées se sont rompues, dans le nord de Gaza. Les eaux usées ont inondé un village bédouin, tuant cinq personnes, en blessant 16 autres et détruisant les maisons de milliers d’habitants. Aucune réparation importante n’a encore pu être faite en raison du manque de fonds et des restrictions permanentes imposées par Israël sur les importations de pièces détachées.

Le fonctionnement de services de base tels les hôpitaux et les infrastructures d’approvisionnement en eau et d’évacuation des eaux usées dépend de leur raccordement au réseau électrique. Si le réseau ne parvient pas à fournir l’énergie nécessaire, tous les services essentiels seront touchés.

Depuis que la centrale électrique de Gaza a été largement détruite par des frappes aériennes de l’armée israélienne en juin 2006, elle ne fonctionne plus qu’à environ la moitié de sa capacité normale. L'approvisionnement en électricité de la bande de Gaza est précaire, non fiable et dépend de sources extérieures. Dans son état actuel, il est insuffisant pour satisfaire les besoins de la population.

En conséquence, des infrastructures essentielles telles que les hôpitaux et les systèmes d’approvisionnement en eau ou d’assainissement sont obligées d’utiliser des générateurs de secours. Le fait de devoir compter sur des générateurs est risqué et engendre à son tour de nouvelles dépendances par rapport au carburant et aux pièces détachées, outre une augmentation des frais d'exploitation. Les restrictions actuelles à l’importation empêchent la livraison du carburant et des pièces détachées indispensables, et des services vitaux risquent de s'effondrer complètement.

Une vie de restrictions en Cisjordanie

"Avant, je travaillais sur le marché de Naplouse. Mais depuis 2002, à cause du bouclage de la ville, j'ai dû aller installer ma boutique sur le marché de Beita, à 12 km de chez moi. Avec le point de contrôle, il me fallait deux heures pour aller travailler. Alors j'ai dû aller habiter à Beita et je ne rends visite à ma famille que le mercredi, quand le marché est fermé. Mes enfants me manquent.". Murad, district de Naplouse

Accès aux terres

En Cisjordanie aussi, la situation se détériore chaque jour sur le plan humanitaire. Les Palestiniens assistent impuissants à la confiscation de leurs terres. Au cours des années, les colonies et les routes israéliennes se sont étendues, envahissant de plus en plus des terres qui étaient cultivées par les mêmes familles depuis des générations.

Depuis la construction de la barrière de Cisjordanie, qui pénètre profondément en territoire palestinien, de grandes étendues de terres agricoles sont devenues inaccessibles aux paysans, la barrière séparant de nombreux villages de leurs terres. L’été dernier, des agriculteurs ont regardé, impuissants, brûler leurs oliviers dont ils étaient séparés par la barrière. Ils ne pouvaient pas accéder à cette zone, parce qu'il n’était pas prévu d’ouvrir le portail à ce moment-là ou parce qu’ils n'avaient pas le permis approprié. Certains arbres avaient mis plus de cinquante ans à atteindre la taille qu'ils avaient alors – deux générations de travail et de soins perdus en une seule nuit.

"Nous avons été réveillés par la lumière des flammes. Nous sommes sortis en courant et avons vu que nos oliviers brûlaient. Les pompiers n'arrivaient pas à atteindre les champs parce que le portail de la barrière était fermé. Nos champs sont derrière la barrière de Cisjordanie et nous ne pouvons pas y aller tous les jours, alors nous n'avons pas pu les nettoyer comme il aurait fallu. Cette nuit-là, nous n'avons rien pu faire d'autre que les regarder brûler, parce que le portail était fermé." Agriculteurs de Beitunia, district de Ramallah

Pour obtenir les permis lui permettant d’avoir accès à ses propres terres, un paysan doit trouver son chemin dans un labyrinthe bureaucratique où on lui demandera de présenter toute une série documents attestant sa résidence et le fait qu'il est propriétaire des terres. La plupart des agriculteurs passent des heures dans les bureaux de l’administration civile israélienne pour essayer d’obtenir ces permis. De nombreuses demandes sont finalement rejetées pour raisons de sécurité, par exemple parce qu’à une certaine époque un membre de la famille a séjourné dans une prison israélienne.

Accès aux routes

En Cisjordanie, de nombreuses routes qui reliaient des villages palestiniens à des villes voisines sont maintenant barrées par des blocs de béton, des fossés, des remblais ou des grilles métalliques. Ces obstacles coupent les Palestiniens de leurs terres, de leurs sources d’eau et même de leurs décharges. Ils érigent une séparation entre les villages et les villes, entre les communautés et entre les districts.

Les habitants de Cisjordanie regardent depuis leurs maisons les Israéliens utiliser des routes fraîchement goudronnées, construites sur des terres palestiniennes, reliant les colonies israéliennes entre elles et assurant une liaison confortable avec Jérusalem et Tel Aviv. Les Palestiniens, eux, doivent utiliser des pistes en terre battue et faire de longs détours pour atteindre leur école, leur lieu de travail, les hôpitaux et les lieux de culte, ou simplement pour rendre visite à leurs proches et leur amis.

Les 177 000 habitants de la ville autrefois prospère de Naplouse, dans le nord de la Cisjordanie, n'ont que deux routes pour sortir de la ville. Ils n'ont pas le droit de conduire leur voiture en direction du sud et doivent pour cela prendre des taxis, ce qui grève encore leurs ressources économiques déjà limitées.

Harcèlement par les colons

"J’ai dû construire une haute clôture autour de ma maison pour protéger mes enfants, parce que des colons leur jetaient des pierres lorsqu’il jouaient dehors. Ils nous lancent des pierres tout simplement parce que nous continuons à vivre sur notre terre et que nous ne voulons pas partir." Anwar, de Hébron

Les Palestiniens qui vivent à proximité des colonies israéliennes ont non seulement été dépossédés de leurs terres, mais sont souvent harcelés par les colons. En Cisjordanie, le nombre d’agressions dont sont victimes des civils n'a cessé de croître. Les informations que le CICR a réunies sur le terrain indiquent que le nombre de délits a plus que triplé au cours des cinq dernières années ; par contre, la police mène rarement une enquête jusqu’au bout et dans la plupart des cas, elle conclut que « les coupables n'ont pas pu être identifiés ».

Un appel pour une vie digne

Jour après jour, la dignité des Palestiniens est foulée aux pieds, en Cisjordanie comme à Gaza.

Les mesures de sécurité très dures prises par Israël ont un coût énorme en termes humanitaires, laissant à ceux qui vivent sous l'occupation juste de quoi survivre, mais pas assez pour vivre une vie normale et digne.

Israël a le droit de protéger sa propre population civile. Cependant, il devrait toujours y avoir un juste équilibre entre les légitimes préoccupations sécuritaires d’Israël et la protection des droits et libertés des Palestiniens vivant sous occupation. Jusqu'à présent, cet équilibre n'a pas été trouvé.

Les 1,4 million de Palestiniens vivant dans la bande de Gaza continuent à payer de leur santé et de leurs moyens d'existence le prix du conflit et des restrictions économiques. Couper l’approvisionnement en électricité et en combustible ne fait qu'aggraver encore leur souffrance, et c'est contraire aux principes humanitaires fondamentaux.

En Cisjordanie, la présence des colonies israéliennes influe sur tous les aspects de la vie des Palestiniens et entraîne la perte de vastes étendues de terres et d'importants revenus, sans parler de la violence récurrente des colons. D’épuisantes restrictions de circulation entravent l’accès au travail et ont causé des taux de chômage et de pauvreté sans précédent.

Seule une action politique rapide, innovatrice et courageuse pourra changer la dure réalité de cette longue occupation, assurer au peuple palestinien le retour à une vie économique et sociale normale et lui permettre de vivre dans la dignité.

A bad odor

Amira Hass, Haaretz, 8.12.07. The two council heads - Hassan Mfarja of Beit Liqia and Naji Jamhur of Beit Anan - had a dream: to open an orderly dump site far from the built-up area that would serve seven villages in the area and enable more stringent environmental protection. But the Civil Administration blocked the route they paved to the site and confiscated the truck. This is Area C, they were told. And the Civil Administration is the master in Area C (which is under complete Israeli control) and in those villages, which are close to the Green Line, 95 percent or more of the lands are included in Area C. Area C (60 percent of the West Bank, as determined in the Oslo years) is exactly the territory that Israel has its eye on in the hope of annexing a large piece of it in the context of the "permanent status agreement." Palestinian development of the territory endangers its chances of becoming Judaized. Therefore, Israel is not allowing Palestinians to build on their own lands, to expand the master plan (which explains why Beit Liqia looks like a refugee camp) or to connect villages to the water grid.
For a period of four years, the Palestinians conducted exhausting negotiations with the Israel Defense Forces and the Civil Administration over establishment of a central and very advanced waste disposal site, with German funding, in the Ramallah district. Finally, the army and Civil Administration authorities agreed that it would be established in a part of Area C that is not built up and not in Area B (under Palestinian administrative control and Israeli security control), right between the villages.

This site will not open before 2010, maybe even 2011. And what will happen until then?

December 14 is a Historical Date in the Palestinian Struggle for Freedom

Ezzedeen Al Qassam Brigades, 14.12.07. Hamas as a movement continues to contribute and sacrifice. However, Hamas must be viewed as it is. It is an Islamic movement working towards the fulfillment of Islam as a way of life in society. It is a link in a long chain of religion, ideology, and civilization that started with our father, Adam (peace and blessings be upon him), and completed with the message Prophet Mohammad (peace and blessings be upon him).

The stereotype that Hamas only understands the gun is shattered after winning in the municipal elections and after the decisive victory in the January 2006 elections when Hamas got 78 seats in the Legislative Council. In the past, the Palestinian people knew that the stereotype was wrong. And now the whole world knows it. Hamas intends to play a prominent role in Palestinian politics in order to ensure transparency, accountability, and the preservation of Palestinian rights.

The chain of Jihad goes back centuries into a rich tradition. And it extends generations in the future till the fulfillment of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. Nothing can erase these rights; and no one is entitled to concede them. And so the future holds more sacrifice and suffering, culminated by freedom and victory, for the Palestinian people.

ISRAEL-OPT: Symposium expresses concern for Gaza healthcare access

Photo: Tom Spender/IRIN

The WHO noted an increase in the number of patients being denied access to care outside Gaza

JERUSALEM, 13 December 2007 (IRIN) - The isolation of the Gaza Strip is "intolerable" said a senior World Health Organization (WHO) official on 10 December, urging better access for Gazans to medical care outside the boxed-off enclave.

Ambrogio Manenti, head of the WHO in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, urged medical professionals to take a stand against the current situation which, he said, was having a negative impact on the health of residents.

Manenti was speaking at a WHO symposium with the Physicians for Human Rights-Israel (PHR-I) organisation and the Gaza Community Mental Health Programme (GCMHP).

The WHO noted an increase in the number of patients being denied access to care outside Gaza.

More on Gaza

Gaza's medical sector feeling impact of Israeli sanctions, restrictions

Israeli High Court orders stay on Gaza power cuts

Gaza squeezed by steady decline in imports, closure threats

Aid groups, UN protest Israeli sanctions move on Gaza

World Bank says donors need long term plan for OPT

Weak Palestinian economy having direct humanitarian impact - UN official

Humanitarian aid to the Palestinians - walking the tightrope

Better treatment in return for cooperation?

Hadas Ziv, the director of PHR-I, said her organisation had collected affidavits from Palestinians whose permits to leave Gaza were allegedly made contingent on their cooperation with the Israeli security services.

Bassam al Wahidi, aged 28 from Rafah in southern Gaza, said doctors told him several months ago that without proper treatment for an eye problem he would lose his sight, and referred him to a hospital in East Jerusalem.

He received a permit and went to the northern Erez Crossing with Israel, where, after waiting for three hours, he was taken into a room for interrogation.

"I waited in the room for over an hour. Then an officer began asking me basic questions, like my name and about my family," Wahidi, who works in the media, told IRIN.

The officer moved on to questions about militants saying "as a journalist you must know things about them". The officer then asked him "to work together" in tracking militants who fire rockets into southern Israel.

Wahidi said the officer even offered to provide better medical treatment if he agreed.

He refused to help the Israeli security forces. "I told him it's my right to get treatment. He said 'that type of language doesn't work with us.'"

Wahidi has since tried several times to get a permit, but failed.

"I have already lost the sight in my right eye. If I don't get treatment soon, my sight in my other eye will be in danger," he said.

PHR-I said there are many more like him in Gaza.

The International Red Cross (ICRC) in Jerusalem said Israel still had responsibility for Gaza, and must ensure access to healthcare for the Strip's residents. It recalled that the Geneva Conventions forbid forcing protected people to give information.

Israeli security officials have said the state does not condition treatment on collaboration; security concerns lie behind the rejections.

“Security risks”

Ziv of the PHR-I told the symposium that even people deemed "security risks" should be able to access care, and offered solutions, including an Israeli military bus which would take patients from Gaza to Jordan for treatment.

Photo: Mahmoud Daher/IRIN

Palestinian patients waiting at Erez Crossing in order to enter Israel for medical treatment. Due to tight Israeli restrictions, many patients are unable to pass or have great difficulties doing so

This might help people like Ahmed, a 21-year-old with stomach cancer, which has led to severe internal bleeding. He was denied exit from Gaza as he was deemed a "security risk" by the Israeli authorities.

His father, Naim, told IRIN he first took his ill son to the Erez Crossing in late October, after receiving a permit, but they were turned away for "security reasons".

They reapplied for permission and returned on 21 November.

"They made us wait for about one and half hours, and then [the soldiers] said they needed to speak to Ahmed. I remained outside and they took Ahmed away," recounted Naim.

The ill son returned from the interrogation, which consisted mostly of questions about the refugee camp where they lived and "which everyone knows the answers to", over an hour later. The two then waited another four hours before they were sent home, after Ahmed was again refused permission to leave Gaza.

Salam Fayad: Il dopo-Annapolis è partito malissimo

Colonies israéliennes
Emad Hajjaj - Jordanie

Francesca Paci, La Stampa, 14.12.07. Israele minaccia di invadere Gaza. Può essere una soluzione? «Non entro nel merito di cosa debba fare l’esercito israeliano. Confido in una soluzione interna, il ripristino del legittimo governo palestinese. La gente di Gaza è depressa, arrabbiata». Intervista al premier palestinese che lunedì alla conferenza dei Paesi donatori di Parigi chiederà 5,6 miliardi di dollari per il futuro Stato palestinese «Come dite in Italia? Il buongiorno si vede dal mattino? A giudicare dall'ultimo incontro con i negoziatori israeliani, inflessibili sugli insediamenti ebraici in Cisgiordania, sarà una brutta giornata per il processo di pace». Il premier palestinese Salam Fayad non cela la delusione: «Il dopo-Annapolis è partito con il piede sbagliato». Bisogna recuperare in fretta: lunedì a Parigi dovrà convincere i Paesi donatori a sborsare 5,6 miliardi di dollari per il futuro Stato palestinese, indipendente e soprattutto «economicamente florido». Businessman navigato oltre che ex ministro delle finanze, non vuol tornare a casa a mani vuote. Nato 55 anni fa a Dir al Rasum, un villaggio vicino Tulkarem, laureato in chimica a Beirut e in economia a Houston, consulente alla Banca Mondiale prima e poi rappresentante del Fondo Monetario Internazionale presso la neonata Autorità Nazionale Palestinese, estraneo alle gerarchie di al Fatah ma organico al suo popolo, Fayad è un vero self-made-man. Basta entrare nell’ufficio spartano di Ramallah dove ci riceve, per capire il tipo: la scrivania ordinata con il telefono da cui chiama regolarmente Olmert e la Casa Bianca; pochi efficienti impiegati che parlano arabo, ebraico e inglese; neppure l’ombra di un attestato autocelebrativo alle pareti.

La polemica sulle 307 nuove case che Israele vuole costruire a Gerusalemme est e un diluvio di razzi Qassam da Gaza sul Negev hanno accompagnano il primo colloquio dopo Annapolis. Il premier israeliano Olmert ha incontrato il presidente palestinese Abu Mazen mentre lei ha visto il ministro della difesa Barak e l’inviato del Quartetto Tony Blair. Qual è il bilancio di questo debutto?

«Molto negativo. Un inizio di giornata pessimo per il processo di pace. Che Israele continui l’espansione degli insediamenti è in contraddizione con Annapolis. Le colonie vanno rimosse, su questo non si discute. Ne va della credibilità dell’intero percorso. Gli insediamenti sono incompatibili con la pace».

E i razzi Qassam?

«Capisco la preoccupazione degli israeliani. La loro sicurezza è anche la nostra. Gaza rappresenta un problema per entrambi. Ma sugli insediamenti non ho trovato alcuna sensibilità».

A Parigi proporrà il «Building a Palestinian State», un piano triennale da 5.6 miliardi di dollari: come li utilizzerà?

«Il piano è dettagliato. Un quinto delle risorse, per esempio, andrà all’educazione: vogliamo formare una generazione con curriculum internazionali. Nel 2008 investiremo 427 milioni nello sviluppo. Ma attenzione, i fondi sono un aiuto non la soluzione: il problema israelo-palestinese è politico, non economico. L’economia non basterà a sciogliere i nodi».

L’ultimo rapporto della Banca Mondiale spiega che l’economia palestinese dipende dalla mobilità e dunque dalle restrizioni israeliane. Ma tra il 1993 e il 2002 i palestinesi hanno ricevuto 4 miliardi di dollari, a gennaio 2007 1,2 miliardi di dollari (il 10% in più rispetto al 2006). Eppure, il reddito pro-capite di uno dei popoli più sovvenzionati del mondo è calato dell’8%, il livello della povertà è aumentato del 30%, la disoccupazione è al 40%. È solo colpa degli israeliani?

«Ovviamente no. E capisco le obiezioni che faranno i donatori. Per quanto
tempo ci dovranno mantenere? Hanno ragione. Stiamo lavorando sugli sprechi: da maggio a oggi abbiamo tagliato 40 mila posti nel settore pubblico, pagato 6 mesi di salari congelati da un anno e mezzo, avviato 150 progetti internazionali. Stiamo costruendo la polizia palestinese e in tre anni ridurremo il deficit del 11,3%. Ma non basta. Israele deve contribuire, i check-point ci limitano, vanno rimossi. Per decollare dobbiamo poter accedere al mercato mondiale. Ma su questo la collaborazione israeliana è pari a zero».

Il piano Building a Palestinian State prevede la riapertura del porto e dell’aeroporto di Gaza. Non le pare utopico, oggi?

«Gaza non starà così per sempre. Va restaurata la legittimità politica. Non esiste Stato palestinese senza Gaza e non esiste Stato senza infrastrutture. Il porto e l’aeroporto, come i valichi di frontiera, saranno il volano della nostra economia».

Israele minaccia di invadere Gaza. Può essere una soluzione?

«Non entro nel merito di cosa debba fare l’esercito israeliano. Confido in una soluzione interna, il ripristino del legittimo governo palestinese. La gente di Gaza è depressa, arrabbiata».

Ipotizziamo la soluzione interna: come farete a dialogare con Hamas che neppure riconosce Israele?

«Posso confrontarmi con il pluralismo politico, con Hamas abbiamo divergenze politiche enormi. Ma non posso confrontarmi con il pluralismo in tema di sicurezza. Hamas deve smantellare le milizie, non tollereremo armi al fuori dalle istituzioni».

Due Stati per due popoli. È ancora il progetto vincente?

«È l'unico possibile. Lo sosteniamo ormai da 15 anni».

Si fida del presidente Bush?

«Ad Annapolis abbiamo visto l’amministrazione americana molto impegnata. Lo stesso Bush sembra assai determinato».

E i palestinesi?

«Se mi fido? Certo. È il mio popolo. L’importante è spiegargli le priorità, le sfide, le prospettive».

Di Israele infine, si fida?

«Guardo alle azioni e quelle israeliane non sono incoraggianti. Voglio la pace per entrambi i popoli, un futuro migliore, i nostri e i loro diritti. Ma se il buongiorno si vede dal mattino...».